It was noted at that time that he had said nothing to rule out Sir Edward Grey’s proposal, which would have left the local majority predominant in Ulster’s own affairs; and on December 4th Sir Edward Grey spoke again, showing a firmness that was the more impressive because of his habitual moderation of tone.  One thing, he said, was worse than carrying Home Rule by force, and that would be the abandonment of Home Rule.  Two suggestions had been made—­a proposal for the temporary exclusion of Ulster and a plan for giving to Ulster administrative autonomy.  Neither had been received by Ulster “in a spirit which seemed likely to lead to a settlement....  Was it a settlement by consent they wanted, or was their aim simply the destruction of the Bill?”

This emphasized what Redmond had said a few days earlier at Birmingham, when he declared that the fight against Home Rule was not an honest one, that its real purpose was to defeat the Parliament Act and restore to the Tory party its special control over the legislative machine.

The facts were plain on the surface.  The Tories clamoured for a fresh general election, urging that the electors never realized that the Liberal programme involved civil war.  But to concede this claim indirectly defeated the Parliament Act, which would then have broken down at the first attempt to apply it.  What added to the insincerity of the argument was Ulster’s repeated refusal to be influenced by the result of any election.  Under no circumstances, speaker after speaker from Ulster declared, would they submit to Home Rule.  The prospect of civil war remained, with only one limitation.  Mr. Bonar Law undertook that if a general election took place and the Liberals again came back, the British Unionist party would not support Ulster in physical resistance.  They would, however, continue to oppose a Home Rule Bill by all constitutional means.

Nevertheless, the English disposition to compromise was already operating.  Mr. Asquith was the last of mankind to make a quixotic stand for principle, and the most disposed to pride himself on a practical recognition of realities.  His Government was in rough water.  During the summer Mr. Lloyd George’s transaction in Marconi shares had been magnified by partisan rancour into a crime.  Much more serious was the split with Labour, which led to the loss of seat after seat at by-elections, when the allied forces which stood behind the Parliament Act attacked each other and let the Tories in.  The Women’s Franchise agitation was also coming to its stormiest point.

Redmond’s part was one of extraordinary difficulty.  The cause for which he stood was one affecting the interests of only a small minority of the total electorate concerned in the struggle which now spread over both islands.  The Irish problem belonged in reality to the Victorian era; those in the British electorate whom it could stir to enthusiasm were stirred by a memory, not by a new gospel.  Normally, but for