“It would be far better,” Redmond had said in the House of Commons, “to have one man selected as the chairmen of these committees are to be selected, to have charge, so far as the Council is concerned, of the working of the Department, and then all these chairmen acting together could form a sort of organic body which would give cohesion, would co-ordinate and give stability to the whole of the work.  I am afraid that the Government seem to have shrunk from that for fear the argument would be used against them that they were really creating a Ministry.”

That was the real difficulty.  A Council subject only to a veto on its acts, even though it could neither pass a by-law nor strike a rate, would undoubtedly be said by the Unionist opposition to be a rudimentary parliament.  A group of chairmen possessing administrative powers like those of Ministers would be labelled a Ministry; and the Liberals who had pledged themselves not to give effect to their Home Rule principles were sensitive to charges of breach of faith.

It is a curious fact in politics that the public promise conveyed in the adoption of certain principles is generally taken to be on the level of ordinary commercial obligation.  Failure to keep it jeopardizes a man’s reputation for political stability, just as failure to pay a tailor’s bill imperils a man’s financial character.  But a promise to political opponents that you will not give effect to your principles stands on the level of a card debt:  it is a matter of honour to make good; and on this point Mr. Asquith in particular has always shown an adamantine resolution.

From 1907 onwards it was with Mr. Asquith that Redmond had chiefly to count.  Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, who, personally, had given no such limiting pledges, and who during his two years of leadership commanded a respect, an affectionate allegiance, from his followers in the House without parallel at all events since Mr. Gladstone’s day, was fast weakening in health.  He lived long enough to give freedom to South Africa, the one outstanding achievement of that Parliament; and by the success of that great measure he did more to remove British distrust of Home Rule than even Gladstone ever accomplished.  It was no fault of his if Liberalism failed to settle the Irish question at the moment when Liberal power reached its highest point.

The failure of the Council Bill had one good result, and one only.  It cleared the way for a definite propaganda on Home Rule.  But before this could be undertaken it was necessary to pull Nationalist Ireland together, for it was once more rent with division and distrust.  Mr. Healy, who in 1901 had been expelled from the Irish party and its organization on the motion of Mr. O’Brien and against Redmond’s advice, and Mr. O’Brien, who had subsequently retired from the party against Redmond’s wish, were both of them formidable antagonists; and each was vehement in attack on the main body of Nationalists