A debate of these days gave him a happier occasion to intervene than the domestic bickerings in which he had been forced to take part; yet even in this the note of sadness predominated.  On October 29th, when a vote of thanks was proposed to the Navy, Army and Mercantile Marine, he joined his voice to that of other leaders of parties, to emphasize, as he said, that they spoke from an absolutely unanimous House of Commons.  He recalled the exploits of Irish troops and dwelt again on the presence of a large Irish element in the Canadian and Anzac Divisions.  But his reference was chiefly to those Nationalist Irish Brigades, who had remained true, he said, to the old motto of the Brigade of Fontenoy, Semper et ubique fidelis.  These men had known in the midst of their privations and sufferings a new and poignant feeling of anguish:  they had seen “a section at any rate of their countrymen” repudiate the view that in serving as they served they were fighting for Ireland, for her happiness, for her prosperity and her liberty.

“I wish it were possible for me to speak a word to every one of those men.  If my words could reach them, I would say to every one of them that they need have no misgiving, that they were right from the first, that time will vindicate them, that time will show that while fighting for liberty and civilization in Europe they are also fighting for civilization and liberty in their own land.  I would like to say to every one of them, in addition, that even at this moment, when ephemeral causes have confused and disturbed Irish opinion, they are regarded with feelings of the deepest pride and gratitude by the great bulk of the Irish race and by all that is best in every creed and class in Ireland.”

The Irish Divisions had once and again been engaged shoulder to shoulder, but this time with very different fortune, in the third battle of Ypres; yet, win or lose, they won or lost together.  In that same fighting Redmond’s own son had earned special honour; the Distinguished Service Order was bestowed on him for holding up a broken line with his company of the Irish Guards.  At a happier time this news would have been received with enthusiasm all over Ireland; now, the most one could say was that it delighted the Convention.

It would be quite wrong, however, to regard Redmond’s attitude in these days as unhopeful.  The first meetings of the Nine were fruitful of much agreement—­conditional at all points on general ratification.  But the true spirit of compromise was there.  So far as concerned the provision to give minorities more than their numerical weight, it was agreed that there should be two Houses, with powers of joint session, and with control over money bills conceded to the Upper House.  In the Lower House Unionists should (somehow) get forty per cent, of the representation:  so that in the joint session the influences would be equally balanced.

The hitch came over finance.  Nationalists wanted complete powers of taxation, but would agree to a treaty establishing Free Trade between the two countries for a long period.  Ulster wanted a common fiscal control for Great Britain and Ireland.  By November 1st a complete deadlock had been reached.