Beneficent legislation had been quoted.  Yes, but how was it attained?

“In any constitutionally governed country, once public opinion is converted to some great reform, it naturally passes, surely and easily, though perhaps slowly, into law.  In Ireland, after Irish public opinion has made up its mind, the reformer has to convert the public opinion of another country which is profoundly ignorant or apathetic, and unhappily it is uncontrovertible that scarcely a single piece of beneficent legislation on land, or anything else, has been passed since the Union except by long, violent, semi-revolutionary agitation.

“Are we to go on for ever upon this path?  Are we to go back into the region of perpetual and violent agitation in order to get the reforms we need?  Are we never to be allowed to have peace in our country?”

He passed then to the complaint that Ulster’s special case had not been sufficiently considered.

“The man who would hope to settle this great problem without special consideration of the special case of Ulster would indeed be a fool.  Only for the special case of Ulster we should not be here at all.  Our chief business is to endeavour to satisfy that special case.

“For myself, I am one of those Nationalists to whom Mr. Barrie referred, who believe that the co-operation of Ulstermen is necessary for a prosperous and free Ireland, and there are no lengths consistent with common sense and reason to which I would not go to satisfy their fears and doubts and objections.

“The special case of Ulster as put before us was this:  ’We are contented under the Union, we have prospered under the Union.  Therefore from our particular standpoint we have no reason to ask for a change.’  But they declare themselves not only Ulstermen but Irishmen.  They admit that the rest of Ireland is not prosperous as they are, and is not contented; and, that being so, they have come here in a spirit of true patriotism to see what is proposed as a remedy; and, as I understand it, they only stipulate that in any scheme of reform their rights and interests and sentiments shall be safeguarded and respected.  That is a reasonable and patriotic attitude, and I wish most heartily and most sincerely to respond to it.

“Now let me say what are the main objections to these schemes which have emerged from the debate.  Some may be regarded as more particularly affecting Ulster, others as more particularly affecting the Southern Unionists, but all of them taken together make up what I may call the Unionist objection.

“The Archbishop of Dublin grouped these objections under three heads: 

1.  Imperial Security.

2.  Fiscal Security.

3.  Security for Minorities.

“On the question of Imperial Security, objection is taken to what is called an ‘Independent’ Parliament.

“It is supposed that what is called Dominion Home Rule implies an ‘Independent’ Parliament.  This is a complete delusion.  There is only one Sovereign and Independent Parliament in the Empire—­the Imperial Parliament; its supremacy is indefeasible and inalienable.  Every other Parliament in the Empire is subordinate, and an Irish Parliament must be subordinate.