Unionists, “and he hoped also the Sinn Feiners as well.”  But in the main it was to consist of “representatives of the local governing bodies, of the Churches, of the trade unions, of the commercial interests, of educational interests”; it was to be “a real representation of Irish life and activity in all their leading branches.”  It was to be pledged in advance to no conclusions—­except one, and that was only indicated by implication.  “If substantial agreement should be reached as to the character and scope of the Constitution for the future government of Ireland within the Empire” (these three words were the limitation), Government would “accept the responsibility for taking all the necessary steps to enable the Imperial Parliament to give legislative effect to the conclusions of the Convention.”

A recommendation was added, amounting to a direction, that the Convention should sit with closed doors and publish nothing of its proceedings till their conclusion.

Nothing was said to define the all-important words “substantial agreement.”  But the Prime Minister laid grave emphasis on the importance of a settlement for the purpose of the war.  The limitation upon Ulster’s claim was plainly conceived by him to lie in Ulster’s sense of an Imperial necessity.  “The Empire cannot afford uncured sores that sap its vigour.  The entire strength of Great Britain and the whole-hearted support of Ireland are essential to victory.”  He appealed “to Irishmen of all faiths, political and religious, and especially to the patriotic spirit of Ulster, to help by healing.”

Redmond, in following him, assumed that there would be concurrence from all sections of Irishmen.  It must be “a free assembly”—­no proposal must be barred in advance:  it must be representative of “every class, creed and interest”—­and in recapitulating these, he added the Irish peers.  In regard to political parties and bodies, as such, he desired a very limited representation.  The United Irish League, “the militant official organization of the Irish party,” should be unrepresented, and he advised the same in regard to other purely political organizations and societies.  For the Irish party itself he asked a representation only equal in number to that given to Irish Unionists.  The Cork Independents must have what they considered a full and adequate number; and for Sinn Fein he asked “a generous representation.”

Then he added: 

“So anxious am I that no wreckers, mere wreckers, should go on that body—­I do not believe any men would go on as wreckers, but any men who would be regarded by their opponents as going on it as wreckers—­that on the question of personalities, I would be very glad, if there are protagonists on one side or the other who during the last twenty or thirty years or more have been engaged in the struggle and who—­there have been faults on both sides—­have done things and said things which have left bitter memories, I should be very glad that such men should be left off.  If there were any feeling that I am such a man myself, I would be only too willing and happy to stand down” (he was interrupted by cries of “No, No”) “if by doing so I could promote harmony.”