The Liberation of Italy eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 445 pages of information about The Liberation of Italy.

The Liberation of Italy eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 445 pages of information about The Liberation of Italy.

The routine business of the Prime Minister still fell to Cavour, as Rattazzi, who succeeded him, had not yet formed his cabinet.  He was obliged, therefore, to write officially to the Royal Commissioners at Modena, Bologna and Florence to abandon their posts.  But in the character of Cavour, the private citizen, he telegraphed to them at the same time to remain and do their duty.  And they remained.

On one point there was a temporary lull of anxiety.  Almost the last words spoken by Napoleon to Victor Emmanuel before he left Turin were:  ‘We shall think no more about Nice and Savoy.’  The mention of Nice shows that though it had not been promised, Napoleon was all along set upon its acquisition.  It is impossible to say how far, at the moment, he was sincere in the renunciation.  That, very soon after his return to Paris, he was diligently weaving plans for getting both provinces into his net, is evident from the tenor of the articles and notes published in the ‘inspired’ French newspapers.

Two chief motives can be divined for Napoleon’s determined opposition to Italian unity which never ceased till Sedan.  The first was his wish, shared by all French politicians, that Italy should be weak.  The second was his regard for the Temporal Power which proceeded from his still being convinced that he could not reign without the Clerical vote.  The French prelates were perpetually giving him reminders that this vote depended on his keeping the Pope on his throne.  For instance, Cardinal Donnet told him at Bordeaux in October 1859, that he could not choose a better way of showing his appreciation of the Blessed Virgin than ’en menageant un triomphe a son Fils dans la personne de son Vicaire.’  It would be a triumph which the Catholic world would salute with transport.  Hints of this sort, the sense of which was not hard to read, in spite of their recondite phraseology, reached him from every quarter.  He feared to set them aside.  The origins of his power were too much tainted for him to advance boldly on an independent policy.  Thus it was that bit by bit he deliberately forfeited all title to the help of Italy when the same whirlwind that dashed him to earth, cleared the way for the final accomplishment of her national destinies.

Whilst Victor Emmanuel was more alive than Cavour to the military arguments in favour of stopping hostilities when the tide of success was at its height, he was not one whit more disposed to stultify his past by becoming the vassal at once of Paris and Vienna.  In a letter written to the Emperor of the French in October, in answer to a very long one in which Napoleon sought to convert him to the plan of an Austro-Italian Confederation, he wound up by saying:  ’For the considerations above stated, and for many others, I cannot, Sire, second your Majesty’s policy in Italy.  If your Majesty is bound by treaties and cannot revoke your engagements in the (proposed) congress, I, Sire, am bound on my side, by honour in

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The Liberation of Italy from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.