help suspecting that, as real martyrs were not forthcoming
in as vast numbers as their supposed bones, martyrs
were invented to fit the wealth-producing relics,
as the relics did not fit the historical martyrs.
“The total disregard of truth and probability
in the representations of these primitive martyrdoms
was occasioned by a very natural mistake. The
ecclesiastical writers of the fourth and fifth centuries
ascribed to the magistrates of Rome the same degree
of implacable and unrelenting zeal which filled their
own breasts against the heretics, or the idolaters
of their own time.... But it is certain, and
we may appeal to the grateful confessions of the first
Christians, that the greatest part of those magistrates,
who exercised in the provinces the authority of the
Emperor, or of the Senate, and to whose hands alone
the jurisdiction of life and death was entrusted, behaved
like men of polished manners and liberal education,
who respected the rules of justice, and who were conversant
with the precepts of philosophy. They frequently
declined the odious task of persecution, dismissed
the charge with contempt, or suggested to the accused
Christian some legal evasion by which he might elude
the severity of the laws. (Tertullian, in his epistle
to the Governor of Africa, mentions several remarkable
instances of lenity and forbearance which had happened
within his own knowledge.)... The learned Origen,
who, from his experience, as well as reading, was
intimately acquainted with the history of the Christians,
declares, in the most express terms, that the number
of martyrs was very inconsiderable.... The general
assertion of Origen may be explained and confirmed
by the particular testimony of his friend Dionysius,
who, in the immense city of Alexandria, and under the
rigorous persecution of Decius, reckons only ten men
and seven women who suffered for the profession of
the Christian name” ("Decline and Fall,”
vol. ii., pp. 224-226. See throughout chap. xvi.).
Gibbon calculates the whole number of martyrs of the
Early Church at “somewhat less than two thousand
persons;” and remarks caustically that the “Christians,
in the course of their intestine dissensions, have
inflicted far greater severities on each other than
they had experienced from the zeal of infidels”
(pp. 273, 274). Supposing, however, that the most
exaggerated accounts of Church historians were correct,
how would that support Paley’s argument?
His contention is that the “eye-witnesses”
of miraculous events died in testimony of their belief
in them; and myriads of martyrs in the second and
third centuries are of no assistance to him.
So we will retrace our steps to the eye-witnesses,
and we find the position of Gibbon—as to
the lives and labours of the Apostles being written
later by men not confining themselves to facts—endorsed
by Mosheim, who judiciously observes: “Many
have undertaken to write this history of the Apostles,
a history which we find loaded with fables, doubts,


