republican system requires, and which may be incorporated into it without changing its characteristic principles.  There never has been, and there never will be, anything in my acts or principles inconsistent with the spirit of republican liberty.  Whatever my private predilections, it would be impossible for me, understanding the people of this country as I do, to fail to recognize the authority of that people as the source of all political power.  Therefore you will find many departures from the British Constitution in the rough draft I am about to read.  I have neither the patience nor the temper to dogmatize upon abstract theories of liberty, and our success will lie in adapting to our particular needs such principles of government as have been tried and not found wanting, our failure in visionary experiments.  The best and wisest effort we can make will be a sufficient experiment, for whose result we must all tremble.

“It is going to be difficult to persuade this Convention to unite upon any constitution very much stronger than the one Dr. Franklin will propose, or to accomplish its ratification afterward.  Nevertheless, I have prepared a draft of the strongest constitution short of monarchy which it is possible to conceive, and which I shall propose to the Convention for reasons I will explain after I have read it to you.  Do you care to listen?”

“Hurry up!” exclaimed Morris.  The audience leaned forward.  Madison shook his head all through the reading; Morris jerked his with emphatic approval.

The radical points in which Hamilton’s constitution differed from that under which we live, was in the demand for a President, to be elected by property holders, and who should hold office during good behaviour; senators possessing certain property qualifications and elected on the same principle; and governors of States appointed and removable by the President.  Practically the author of the dual government, he believed emphatically in subserving the lesser to the greater, although endowing the States with sufficient power for self-protection.  The Executive was to be held personally responsible for official misconduct, both he and the senators subject to impeachment and to removal from office.  The whole scheme was wrought out with the mathematical complexity and precision characteristic of Hamilton’s mind.

“Would that it were possible,” exclaimed Morris, when Hamilton had finished.  “But as well expect the Almighty to drive the quill.  You will weaken your influence, Hamilton, and to no effect.”

“Ah, but I have calculated upon two distinct points, and I believe I shall achieve them.  I have not the most distant hope that this paper will be acceptable to five men in the Convention,—­three, perhaps, would round the number,—­Washington, yourself, myself.  Nevertheless, I shall introduce it and speak in its favour with all the passion of which I am master, for these reasons:  I believe in it; its energy is bound to give a tone that might