supported, against those who are endeavouring at a reformation; and they firmly observe that celebrated maxim of preserving power by the same arts it is attained.  They act with the spirit of those who believe their time is but short; and their first care is to heap up immense riches at the public expense; in which they have two ends, beside that common one of insatiable avarice; which are, to make themselves necessary, and to keep the Commonwealth in dependence:  Thus they hope to compass their design, which is, instead of fitting their principles to the constitution, to alter and adjust the constitution to their own pernicious principles.

It is easy determining by this test, to which side the name of faction most properly belongs.  But however, I will give them any system of law or regal government, from William the Conqueror to this present time, to try whether they can tally it with their late models; excepting only that of Cromwell, whom perhaps they will reckon for a monarch.

If the present ministry, and so great a majority in the Parliament and Kingdom, be only a faction, it must appear by some actions which answers the idea we usually conceive from that word.  Have they abused the prerogatives of the prince, or invaded the rights and liberties of the subject?  Have they offered at any dangerous innovations in Church or State?  Have they broached any doctrines of heresy, rebellion or tyranny?  Have any of them treated their sovereign with insolence, engrossed and sold all her favours, or deceived her by base, gross misrepresentations of her most faithful servants?  These are the arts of a faction, and whoever has practised them, they and their followers must take up with the name.

It is usually reckoned a Whig principle to appeal to the people; but that is only when they have been so wise as to poison their understandings beforehand:  Will they now stand to this appeal, and be determined by their vox populi, to which side their title of faction belongs?  And that the people are now left to the natural freedom of their understanding and choice, I believe our adversaries will hardly deny.  They will now refuse this appeal, and it is reasonable they should; and I will further add, that if our people resembled the old Grecians, there might be danger in such a trial.  A pragmatical orator told a great man at Athens, that whenever the people were in their rage, they would certainly tear him to pieces; “Yes,” says the other, “and they will do the same to you, whenever they are in their wits.”  But God be thanked, our populace is more merciful in their nature, and at present under better direction; and the orators among us have attempted to confound both prerogative and law, in their sovereign’s presence, and before the highest court of judicature, without any hazard to their persons.

[Footnote 1:  No. 31 in the reprint. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2:  Horace, “Satires,” II. vi. 77-8.  “To club his part in pithy tales.”—­P.  FRANCIS. [T.S.]]