Federation.  In other words, the “supremacy of Parliament,” which is a stern reality in England, has very little meaning as regards New Zealand.  Even if the people of New Zealand were to manage the affairs of their country in a manner contrary to English ideas—­for instance if they were to establish State lotteries and public gambling tables—­England would be but slightly affected, and certainly would never think of taking steps to prevent them.  And those matters in which the Home Government is obliged to act are just those in which New Zealand has no desire to interfere; for instance, New Zealand would never want to appoint consuls of her own (which was the immediate cause of the separation between Norway and Sweden); in the very few cases in which New Zealand desires to make use of political or commercial agents abroad, she is content to employ the British representatives, for whom she is not called upon to pay.  If New Zealand attempted to take part in a European war in which England was not concerned—­the idea is almost too absurd to suggest—­the only thing that England could do would be to break off the connection and repudiate New Zealand altogether.  And if New Zealand desired to separate from the Mother Country, many people would think it a most grievous mistake, but England certainly would not seek to prevent her doing so by force; and though England would in some ways be the worse for it, the government of England and of the rest of the Empire would go on much the same as before.  In certain points, it is true, thoughtful men have generally come to the conclusion that the present state of affairs cannot go on unchanged; the time is coming when the great Dominions must provide for their own defence by sea as well as by land; and whether this is to be done by separate navies working together or by joint contributions to a common navy, it will probably result in the formation of some Imperial Council in which all parts will have a voice.  That however, is a matter for future discussion and arrangement.

But when we turn to Ireland, everything is different.  The two islands are separated by less than fifty miles.  Ireland has for more than a century been adequately represented in the Imperial Parliament; the journey from Galway to London is shorter than that from Auckland or Dunedin to Wellington.  So long as Europe remains as it is, Great Britain and Ireland must have a common system of defence—­which means one army, one navy, and one plan of fortifications.  Again, Irishmen, traders and others, will constantly have to make use of government agents in other countries.  Now unless Great Britain is to arrange and pay for the whole of this, we are met at once by the insoluble problem of Irish representation in the British Parliament.  If Ireland is not represented there, we are faced with the old difficulty of taxation without representation; if Ireland is represented there for all purposes, Ireland can interfere in the local affairs of England,