After all these discussions you will now understand the true meaning of the famous pamphlet published by Abbe Sieyes in 1788—­and so before the French Revolution—­which was summed up in these words:  "Qu’est-ce que c’est que le tiers etat? rien! qu’ est qu’il doit etre?  Tout!” Tiers etat, or third class, is what the middle class in France was called, because they formed, in contrast to the two privileged classes, the nobility and the clergy, a third class, which meant all the people without privilege.  This pamphlet brings together the two questions raised by Sieyes, and their answers:  “What is the third class?  Nothing!  What ought it to be?  Everything.”  This is how Sieyes formulates these two questions and answers.  But from all that has been said, the true meaning of these questions and answers would be more clearly and correctly expressed as follows:  “What is the third class de facto—­in reality?  Everything!  But what is it de jure—­legally?  Nothing!”

What was to be done, then, was to bring the legal position of the third class into harmony with its actual meaning; to clothe its importance, already existing in fact, with legal sanction and recognition; and just this is the achievement and significance of the victorious revolution which broke out in France in 1789 and exerted its transforming influence on the other countries of Europe.

This question arises here:  What was this third class, or bourgeoisie, that through the French Revolution obtained victory over the privileged classes and gained control of the State?  Since this third class stood in contrast to the privileged classes of society with legal vested rights, it considered itself at that time as equivalent to the whole people, and its cause as the cause of all humanity.  This explains the exalting and mighty enthusiasm which was general in that period.  The rights of man were proclaimed; and it seemed as if, with the liberation and sovereignty of this third class, all legal privileges in society were ended, and as if every legally privileged distinction had been replaced by its principle of the universal liberty of man.

At that time, however, in the very beginning of the movement, in April, 1789, on the occasion of the elections to a parliament which was summoned by the king under the condition that the third class should this time send as many representatives as the nobility and clergy together, a newspaper of a character anything but revolutionary writes as follows:  “Who can tell us whether a despotism of the bourgeoisie will not follow the so-called aristocracy of the nobles?”

But such cries at that time were drowned in the general enthusiasm.

Nevertheless we must come back to that question, we must put the question definitely:  Was the cause of the third class really the cause of all humanity; or did this third class, the bourgeoisie, bear within it a fourth class, from which it wished to distinguish itself clearly, and subject it to its sovereignty?