I do not believe there is such a thing, in all the cantons, as a man, for instance, who pines for the Prussian despotism!  They will take service under kings, be their soldiers, body-guards—­real Dugald Dalgettys—­but when the question comes to Switzerland, one and all appear to think that the descendants of the companions of Winkelried and Stauffer must be republicans.  Now, all this may be because there are few in the condition of gentlemen, in the democratic cantons, and the gentlemen of the other parts of the confederation prefer that things should be as they are (or rather, so lately were, for the recent changes have hardly had time to make an impression), to putting a prince in the place of the aristocrats.  Self is so prominent in everything of this nature, that I feel no great faith in the generosity of men.  Still I do believe that time and history, and national pride, and Swiss morgue, have brought about a state of feeling that would indispose them to bow down to a Swiss sovereign.

A policy is observed by the other states of Europe towards this confederation, very different from that which is, or perhaps it would be better to say, has been observed toward us.  As respects ourselves, I have already observed it was my opinion, there would have been a political crusade got up against us, had not the recent changes taken place in Europe, and had the secret efforts to divide the Union failed.  Their chief dependence, certainly, is on our national dissensions; but as this would probably fail them, I think we should have seen some pretence for an invasion.  The motive would be the strong necessity which existed for destroying the example of a republic, or rather of a democracy, that was getting to be too powerful.  Strange as you may think it, I believe our chief protection in such a struggle would have been Russia.

We hear and read a great deal about the “Russian bear,” but it will be our own fault if this bear does us any harm.  Let the Edinburgh Review, the advocate of mystified liberalism, prattle as much as it choose, on this topic, it becomes us to look at the subject like Americans.  There are more practical and available affinities between America and Russia, at this very moment, than there is between America and any other nation in Europe.  They have high common political objects to obtain, and Russia has so little to apprehend from the example of America, that no jealousy of the latter need interrupt their harmony.  You see the counterpart of this in the present condition of France and Russia.  So far as their general policy is concerned, they need not conflict, but rather ought to unite, and yet the mutual jealousy on the subject of the institutions keeps them alienated, and almost enemies.  Napoleon, it is true, said that these two nations, sooner or later, must fight for the possession of the east, but it was the ambition of the man, rather than the interests of his country, that dictated the sentiment.  The France of Napoleon, and the France of Louis-Philippe, are two very different things.