Here, then, is the position of Nero:  Commander-in-chief of all the forces of Rome by land and sea, and master of its foreign policy; the titular protector of its commons and therefore inviolable of person and virtual controller of laws and resolutions; official head of the state religion; rejoicer in the style of “His Highness the Head of the State.”  To speak ill of him, or to do anything derogatory to his authority, was lese majeste.

[Illustration:  FIG. 12.—­COIN OF NERO.  British Museum.]

Reference has several times been made to the Senate.  It is time now to speak briefly of that body.  For the sake of clearness, however, we must include a survey of the recognised constituent elements or “orders” of Roman society.

The body politic consisted nominally of all who where known as “Roman citizens.”  These included men of every rank, from the artisan, the agricultural labourer, or even the idle loafer—­of whom there was more than plenty—­up through every grade of the middle classes to the richest and bluest-blooded aristocrat who considered himself in point of birth more than the equal of the emperor.  Any such citizen was secured in person and property by the Roman laws.  It was a punishable act for the local authorities at Philippi to take Paul, a “Roman citizen,” and, before he was condemned, chastise him with rods.

According to the letter of the constitution, the power of electing all officers of state, and of passing laws, had belonged to this miscellaneous body, the “people,” gathered in assembly.  Meanwhile the power of determining foreign policy and controlling the finances had lain with a special body, consisting largely of the aristocracy and of ex-officers of state, known as the “Senate.”  We are not here concerned with the causes of the changes which buried this constitution out of sight, but only with the actual state of things in the year 64.

In point of fact there were, under the emperors, no longer any assemblies of the “people”; the people at large neither elected nor legislated.  The chief articles of the constitution had fallen into complete abeyance during the troublous times which preceded the establishment of that poorly disguised monarchy which we know as the empire.  All real power of electing and law-making came to be in the hands of the Senate, acting with the emperor.  While the emperor dominated the Senate, he was nevertheless glad to fall back upon that body in justification of his own actions and as a means of keeping up the constitutional pretence.  He permitted the Senate to pass resolutions, and to exercise authority, just so far as there was no conflict with his own pronounced wishes and interests.  It was not his policy to interfere and irritate when there was no occasion.  On the other hand, when he desired a piece of legislation or an important administrative novelty, he preferred that it should be backed up by the sanction, or promoted by the apparently spontaneous action, of the Senate.  It then bore a better appearance, and was less open to cavil.  The people are no longer consulted at all in such matters.  They have no say in them, for they have neither plebiscite nor representative government.