The possibility of enlisting negroes as soldiers received early consideration.  Black troops had fought in the Revolution; why, then, should not black men now fight in a war of which they themselves were the ultimate provocation?  The idea pleased the utilitarian side of the Northern mind and shocked no Northern prejudice.  In fact, as early as the spring of 1862 General Hunter, in the Department of the South, organized a negro regiment.  In July, 1862, pending consideration of a bill concerning calling forth the militia, reported by the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, amendments were moved declaring that “there should be no exemption from military service on account of color,” permitting the enlistment of “persons of African descent,” and making “forever thereafter free” each person so enlisted, his mother, his wife, and his children.  No other measure so aroused the indignation of the border-state men.  Loyalty to the Union could not change their opinion of the negro.  To put arms into the hands of slaves, or ex-slaves, was a terrible proposition to men who had too often vividly conceived the dread picture of slave insurrection.  To set black men about the business of killing white men, to engage the inferior race to destroy the superior race, seemed a blasphemy against Nature.  A few also of the Northerners warmly sympathized with this feeling.  Black men shooting down white men was a spectacle which some who were friends of the black men could not contemplate without a certain shudder.  Also many persons believed that the white soldiers of the North would feel degraded by having regiments of ex-slaves placed beside them in camp and in battle.  Doubts were expressed as to whether negroes would fight, whether they would not be a useless charge, and even a source of peril to those who should depend upon them.  Language could go no farther in vehemence of protest and denunciation than the words of some of the slave-state men in the House and Senate.  Besides this, Garrett Davis of Kentucky made a very effective argument when he said:  “There is not a rebel in all Secessia whose heart will not leap when he hears that the Senate of the United States is originating such a policy.  It will strengthen his hopes of success by an ultimate union of all the slave States to fight such a policy to the death.”  It was, however, entirely evident that, in the present temper of that part of the country which was represented in Congress, there was not much use in opposing any anti-slavery measure by any kind of argument whatever; even though the special proposition might be distasteful to many Republicans, yet at last, when pressed to the issue, they all faithfully voted Yea.  In this case the measure, finally so far modified as to relate only to slaves of rebel owners, was passed and was signed by the President on July 17.  Nevertheless, although it thus became law, the certainty that, by taking action under it, he would alienate great numbers of loyalists in the Border States induced him to go