position, and published a new Constitution, binding all the provinces together in a closer union.  The Assembly at Frankfort had no power to coerce the Emperor of Austria; they therefore adopted the other solution, viz.:  that the rest of Germany was to be reconstituted, and the Austrian provinces left out.  The question, however, then arose:  Would Austria accept this—­would she allow a new Germany to be created in which she had no part?  Surely not, if she was able to prevent it.  The third difficulty was the relation between the individual States and the new central authority.  It is obvious that whatever powers were given to the new Government would be taken away from the Princes of the individual States, who hitherto had enjoyed complete sovereignty.  Those people who in Germany were much influenced by attachment to the existing governments, and who wished to maintain the full authority of the Princes and the local Parliaments, were called Particularists.  During the excitement of the Revolution they had been almost entirely silenced.  With the restoration of order and authority they had regained their influence.  It was probable that many of the States would refuse to accept the new Constitution unless they were compelled to do so.  Where was the power to do this?  There were many in the National Assembly who wished to appeal to the power of the people, and by insurrection and barricades compel all the Princes to accept the new Constitution.  There was only one other power in Germany which could do the work, and that was the Prussian army.  Would the King of Prussia accept this task?

The German Constitution was completed in March, 1849.  By the exercise of much tact and great personal influence, Heinrich von Gagern, the President of the Assembly and the leader of the Moderate party in it, had procured a majority in favour of an hereditary monarchy, and the King of Prussia was elected to the post of first German Emperor.  At the beginning of April there arrived in Berlin the deputation which was to offer to him the crown, and on his answer depended the future of Germany.  Were he to accept, he would then have undertaken to put himself at the head of the revolutionary movement; it would be his duty to compel all the other States to accept the new Constitution, and, if necessary, to defend it on the field of battle against Austria.  Besides this he would have to govern not only Prussia but Germany; to govern it under a Constitution which gave almost all the power to a Parliament elected by universal suffrage, and in which he had only a suspensive veto.  Can we be surprised that he refused the offer?  He refused it on the ground that he could not accept universal suffrage, and also because the title and power of German Emperor could not be conferred on him by a popular assembly; he could only accept it from his equals, the German Princes.

The decision of the King was discussed in the Prussian Assembly, and an address moved declaring that the Frankfort Constitution was in legal existence, and requesting the King to accept the offer.  It was on this occasion that Bismarck for the first time came forward as the leader of a small party on the Extreme Right.  He at once rose to move the previous question.  He denied to the Assembly even the right of discussing this matter which belonged to the prerogative of the King.