The year 1878 forms a turning-point both in internal and in external politics.  Up to this year Prussia has been allied with the two Eastern monarchies; the Empire has been governed by the help of the National Liberal party; the chief enemy has been the Clericals.  The traditions of the time before the war are still maintained.  After this year the understanding with Russia breaks down; instead of it the peace of Europe is preserved by the Triple Alliance with Austria and Italy.  In internal affairs the change is even more marked; the rising power of the Socialists is the enemy to be fought against; for this conflict, peace has to be made with the Catholics—­the May laws are modified or repealed.  The alliance with Liberalism breaks down, and the efforts of the Government are devoted to a far-reaching scheme of financial reform and social legislation.

When, in April, 1877, the Emperor refused to accept Bismarck’s resignation, the whole country applauded the decision.  In the Reichstag a great demonstration was made of confidence in the Chancellor.  Everyone felt that he could not be spared at a time when the complications in the East were bringing new dangers upon Europe, and in the seclusion of Varzin he did not cease during the next months to direct the foreign policy of the Empire.  He was able with the other Governments of Europe to prevent the spread of hostilities from Turkey to the rest of Europe, and when the next year the English Government refused its assent to the provisional peace of San Stefano, it was the unanimous desire of all the other States that the settlement of Turkey should be submitted to a Congress at Berlin over which he should preside.  It was the culmination of his public career; it was the recognition by Europe in the most impressive way of his primacy among living statesmen.  In his management of the Congress he answered to the expectations formed of him.  “We do not wish to go,” he had said, “the way of Napoleon; we do not desire to be the arbitrators or schoolmasters of Europe.  We do not wish to force our policy on other States by appealing to the strength of our army.  I look on our task as a more useful though a humbler one; it is enough if we can be an honest broker.”  He succeeded in the task he had set before himself, and in reconciling the apparently incompatible desires of England and Russia.  Again and again when the Congress seemed about to break up without result he made himself the spokesman of Russian wishes, and conveyed them to Lord Beaconsfield, the English plenipotentiary.  None the less the friendship of Russia, which had before wavered, now broke down.  A bitter attack on Germany and Bismarck was begun in the Russian Press; the new German fiscal policy led to misunderstandings; the Czar in private letters to the Emperor demanded in the negotiations that were still going on the absolute and unconditional support of Germany to all Russian demands as the condition of Russian friendship.