first chapter by calling attention to the difference made by steel and electricity, to the fact that it took longer to get from Boston to Washington in 1776 than it does to-day from Maine to California and back; that it took longer even for the rural legislator in the Connecticut Valley to get to his State Capitol than it does to-day to go from there to Washington.  But no one, I think, has ever called attention to the enormous differences in living, in business, in political temper between the days (which practically lasted until the last century) when a citizen, a merchant, an employer of labor, or a laboring man, still more a corporation or association, and lastly, a man even in his most intimate relations, the husband and the father, well knew the law as familiar law, a law with which he had grown up, and to which he had adapted his life, his marriage, the education of his children, his business career and his entrance into public life—­and these days of to-day, when all those doing business under a corporate firm primarily, but also those doing business at all; all owners of property, all employers of labor, all bankers or manufacturers or consumers; all citizens, in their gravest and their least actions, also must look into their newspapers every morning to make sure that the whole law of life has not been changed for them by a statute passed overnight; when not only no lawyer may maintain an office without the most recent day-by-day bulletins on legislation, but may not advise on the simplest proposition of marriage or divorce, of a wife’s share in a husband’s property, of her freedom of contract, without sending not only to his own State legislature, but for the most recent statute of any other State which may have a bearing on the situation.  Moreover, these statutes, which at any moment may revolutionize a man’s liberty or his property, are not as they were in old times—­a mere codification, or attempt at the best expression of a law already existing and well “understanded of the people”; but may and probably will represent a complete reversal of experience, an absolute alteration of human relations, a paradox of all that has gone before; and even when they endeavor not to do so, as in the case of that Massachusetts statute above referred to, their authors’ lack of education in the science of legislation may unintentionally cause a revolution in the law.  And even when a statute does not do this, no lawyer can be certain what it means until, years or decades afterward, it has received recognition from an authoritative court.  That is why much complaint has been made of lawyers; they are said not to know their business, not to be able to tell what the law is.  The head of a great railroad has recently complained that he was only anxious to obey the law, but had great difficulty in finding out what the law was.  Any good lawyer with common sense knows the common law and usage of the people; but no one could tell at the time of its passage what, for instance, the Sherman Act, enacted twenty-three years ago, meant; the twenty-three years have elapsed; the anti-trust law has been before the courts a thousand times, and the best lawyers in the country do not to-day know what it means; and the highest tribunal in the land is so uncertain on the subject that it has ordered the Standard Oil case reargued.