it peculiarly liable to suspicions, and the reputation of those who are involved, is not calculated to repel them.  Indeed, so conscious are the advocates of government, that the imputation cannot be obviated by pleading the integrity of the parties, that they seem to rest their sole defence on the inutility of a murder, which only transfers whatever rights the House of Bourbon may be supposed to possess, from one branch of it to another.  Yet those who make use of this argument are well aware of its fallaciousness:  the shades of political opinion in France are extremely diversified, and a considerable part of the Royalists are also Constitutionalists, whom it will require time and necessity to reconcile to the emigrant Princes.  But the young King had neither enemies nor errors—­and his claims would have united the efforts and affections of all parties, from the friends of the monarchy, as it existed under Louis the Fourteenth, down to the converted Republican, who compromises with his principles, and stipulates for the title of Perpetual President.

That the removal of this child has been fortunate for those who govern, is proved by the effect:  insurrections are no longer talked of, the royalists are confounded, the point of interest is no more, and a sort of despondency and confusion prevails, which is highly favourable to a continuance of the present system.—­There is no doubt, but that when men’s minds become more settled, the advantage of having a Prince who is capable of acting, and whose success will not be accompanied by a long minority, will conciliate all the reflecting part of the constitutional royalists, in spite of their political objections.  But the people who are more under the influence of their feelings, and yield less to expediency, may not, till urged by distress and anarchy, be brought to take the same interest in the absent claimant of the throne, that they did in their infant Prince.

It is to be regretted, that an habitual and unconquerable deference for the law which excludes females from the Crown of France, should have survived monarchy itself; otherwise the tender compassion excited by the youth, beauty and sufferings of the Princess, might yet have been the means of procuring peace to this distracted country.  But the French admire, lament, and leave her to her fate—­

     “O, shame of Gallia, in one sullen tower
     “She wets with royal tears her daily cell;
     “She finds keen anguish every rose devour,
     “They spring, they bloom, then bid the world farewell. 
     “Illustrious mourner! will no gallant mind
     “The cause of love, the cause of justice own? 
     “Such claims! such charms!  And is no life resign’d
     “To see them sparkle from their parent throne?”

How inconsistent do we often become through prejudices!  The French are at this moment governed by adventurers and courtezans—­by whatever is base, degraded, or mean, in both sexes; yet, perhaps, would they blush to see enrolled among their Sovereigns an innocent and beautiful Princess, the descendant of Henry the Fourth.