troops from entering the State.  Maryland, or at least eastern Maryland, was sullen and antagonistic.  Thousands of the Marylanders had in fact already made their way into Virginia for service with the Confederacy.  On the other hand, there were also thousands of loyal citizens in these States who were prepared, under proper guidance and conservative management, to give their own direct aid to the cause of nationality.  In the course of the succeeding two years, the Border States sent into the field in the Union ranks some fifty thousand men.  At certain points of the conflict, the presence of these Union men of Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, and Missouri was the deciding factor.  While these men were willing to fight for the Union, they were strongly opposed to being used for the destruction of slavery and for the freeing of the blacks.  The acceptance, therefore, of the policy that was pressed by the extreme anti-slavery group, for immediate action in regard to the freeing of the slaves, would have meant at once the dissatisfaction of this great body of loyalists important in number and particularly important on account of their geographical position.  Lincoln was able, although with no little difficulty, to hold back the pressure of Northern sentiment in regard to anti-slavery action until the course of the War had finally committed the loyalists of the Border States to the support of the Union.  For the support of this policy, it became necessary to restrain certain of the leaders in the field who were mixing up civil and constitutional matters with their military responsibilities.  Proclamations issued by Fremont in Missouri and later by Hunter in South Carolina, giving freedom to the slaves within the territory of their departments, were promptly and properly disavowed.  Said Lincoln:  “A general cannot be permitted to make laws for the district in which he happens to have an army.”

The difficulties in regard to the matter of slavery during the war brought Lincoln into active correspondence with men like Beecher and Greeley, anti-slavery leaders who enjoyed a large share of popular confidence and support.  In November, 1861, Lincoln says of Greeley:  “His backing is as good as that of an army of one hundred thousand men.”  There could be no question of the earnest loyalty of Horace Greeley.  Under his management, the New York Tribune had become a great force in the community.  The paper represented perhaps more nearly than any paper in the country the purpose and the policy of the new Republican party.  Unfortunately, Mr. Greeley’s judgment and width of view did not develop with his years and with the increasing influence of his journal.  He became unduly self-sufficient; he undertook not only to lay down a policy for the guidance of the constitutional responsibilities of the government, but to dictate methods for the campaigns.  The Tribune articles headed “On to Richmond!” while causing irritation to commanders in the field and confusion in the minds of quiet citizens at home, were finally classed with the things to be laughed at.  In the later years of the War, the influence of the Tribune declined very considerably.  Henry J. Raymond with his newly founded Times succeeded to some of the power as a journalist that had been wielded by Greeley.