before his late colleagues in the House, and the committee on foreign affairs made a strong representation at the Department of State; and, when Seward refused to recall King, or take any measures to correct the injustice done me, they struck out from the consular and diplomatic appropriation bill the appropriation for the legation at Rome, which meant the abolition of the legation, and I was a little later transferred to Crete, a salaried post, where there was supposed to be nothing to do but make my quarterly report.

My commission must have been one of the very last Lincoln signed, for he was assassinated before it reached me.  I was spending the evening at the quarters of one of my best Roman friends, Mr. John A. King (a cousin of, but not a sympathizer with, the general), when the news came of the murder of Lincoln and the attempt on Seward, and very vivid still is the recollection of the horror and grief we all felt.  But we also felt that the President’s work was done, and that his fame was set securely in history, beyond the chance of any political blunder to damage it.  Could he ever have devised a better death in view of his future influence and honor?  I learned from one of Lincoln’s Illinois friends, whom I later saw in Rome, that the appointment in Crete was intended by the President as the recognition of the injustice with which Seward had treated my case.  My experience of Seward’s way of looking at public appointments and public interests, when crossed by his personal relations, certainly went to confirm the apprehensions of Mr. Fogg and his friends that Seward’s personal following would stand between him and the best interests of the state.  As Fogg used to put it, “He won’t steal, himself, but he don’t care how much his friends steal.”  But my misfortune brought about the abolition of what had always been a scandal and a job—­the legation of the United States of America to the Pope.