Meanwhile, a complicated political situation developed.  The story is too long and too complicated for review in detail.  It may be given in general outline.  The Peace of 1878 was followed by the organization of political parties, the Liberal and the Union Constitutional.  At first, there was comparatively little difference in the essence of their respective platforms, but the lines diverged as the situation developed.  The Liberal party became, and remained, the Cuban party, and the Union Constitutional became the Spanish party.  Later on, the Liberals became the Autonomists.  Their object, for twenty years, was reform in conditions under the rule of Spain.  There was no independence party.  That was organized, in 1895, by Marti, Gomez, Maceo, Maso, and their associates.  It had only one plank in its platform—­Cuba Libre y Independiente—­whatever the cost to the island and its people.  “The Autonomist group,” says Mr. Pepper, in his Tomorrow in Cuba, “became as much a political party as it could become under Spanish institutions.”  It grew in strength and influence, and continued its agitation persistently and stubbornly.  The Spanish Cortes busied itself with discussion of Cuban affairs, but reached no conclusions, produced no results.  In 1893, there came the definite organization of the Reformist party, with aims not differing greatly from those of the Autonomistas.  But Spain delayed until Marti and his followers struck their blow.  Official efforts to placate them failed utterly, as did efforts to intimidate them or to conquer them.  The Autonomists declared their support of the existing Government, and rebuked the insurgents in a manifesto issued on April 4, 1895, six weeks after the outbreak.  They only succeeded in antagonizing both sides, the Spanish authorities and the revolutionists.  Spain, greatly alarmed, recalled Martinez Campos and sent out Weyler to succeed him.  Had Spain followed the advice of Martinez Campos, the failure of the insurrection would have been little short of certain.  It sent out Weyler, on whom the Cubans, twenty years earlier, had conferred the title of “Butcher.”  This step threw to the side of the insurgents the great mass of the middle class Cubans who had previously wavered in uncertainty, questioning the success of revolution while adhering to its general object.  Weyler instituted the brutal policy that came to be known as reconcentration.  It may be said, in a way, that the Cuban forces themselves instituted this policy.  To clear the country in which they were operating, they had ordered all Spaniards and Spanish sympathizers to betake themselves to the cities and towns occupied by Spanish garrisons.  This was inconvenient for its victims, but its purpose was humane.  Gomez also sought to concentrate the Cubans, particularly the women and children, in the recesses of the hills where they would be less exposed to danger than they would be in their homes.  This also was a humane purpose.