But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body.  We will examine it upon its own merits.

The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes.  Much has been said of the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.  Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.  It is the unfortunate situation of the southern States, to have a great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks.  The regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation, which governed the Convention; and without this indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed.  But, sir, considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is entirely just that they should be gratified.  The southern States possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout all the States.  But the justice of this plan will appear in another view.  The best writers on government have held that representation should be compounded of persons and property.  This rule has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of New York.  It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are considered altogether as property.  They are men, though degraded to the condition of slavery.  They are persons known to the municipal laws of the States which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature.  But representation and taxation go together—­and one uniform rule ought to apply to both.  Would it be just to compute these slaves in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the apportionment of representatives?  Would it be just to impose a singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?

Another circumstance ought to be considered.  The rule we have been speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the States.  Now, you have a great number of people in your State, which are not represented at all; and have no voice in your government:  these will be included in the enumeration—­not two-fifths—­nor three-fifths, but the whole.  This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the southern States, but extend to other parts of the Union.

Mr. M. SMITH.  I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the honorable gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this clause:  for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the southern States.  The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the clause in this respect.

Mr. HARRISON.  Among the objections, that, which has been made to the mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished.  I think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the objection.  He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been formed.