The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 07, No. 40, February, 1861 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 315 pages of information about The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 07, No. 40, February, 1861.

The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 07, No. 40, February, 1861 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 315 pages of information about The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 07, No. 40, February, 1861.

When we speak of coercion, we do not mean violence, but only the assertion of constituted and acknowledged authority.  Even if seceding States could be conquered back again, they would not be worth the conquest.  We ask only for the assertion of a principle which shall give the friends of order in the discontented quarters a hope to rally round, and the assurance of the support they have a right to expect.  There is probably a majority, and certainly a powerful minority, in the seceding States, who are loyal to the Union; and these should have that support which the prestige of the General Government can alone give them.  It is not to the North or to the Republican Party that the malcontents are called on to submit, but to the laws, and to the benign intentions of the Constitution, as they were understood by its framers.  What the country wants is a permanent settlement; and it has learned, by repeated trial, that compromise is not a cement, but a wedge.  The Government did not hesitate to protect the doubtful right of property of a Virginian in Anthony Burns by the exercise of coercion, and the loyalty of Massachusetts was such that her own militia could be used to enforce an obligation abhorrent, and, as there is reason to believe, made purposely abhorrent, to her dearest convictions and most venerable traditions; and yet the same Government tampers with armed treason, and lets I dare not wait upon I would, when it is a question of protecting the acknowledged property of the Union, and of sustaining, nay, preserving even, a gallant officer whose only fault is that he has been too true to his flag.  While we write, the newspapers bring us the correspondence between Mr. Buchanan and the South Carolina “Commissioners,” and surely never did a government stoop so low as ours has done, not only in consenting to receive these ambassadors from Nowhere, but in suggesting that a soldier deserves court-martial who has done all he could to maintain himself in a forlorn hope, with rebellion in his front and treachery in his rear.  Our Revolutionary heroes had old-fashioned notions about rebels, suitable to the straightforward times in which they lived,—­times when blood was as freely shed to secure our national existence as milk-and-water is now to destroy it.  Mr. Buchanan might have profited by the example of men who knew nothing of the modern arts of Constitutional interpretation, but saw clearly the distinction between right and wrong.  When a party of the Shays rebels came to the house of General Pomeroy, in Northampton, and asked if he could accommodate them,—­the old soldier, seeing the green sprigs in their hats, the badges of their treason, shouted to his son, “Fetch me my hanger, and I’ll accommodate the scoundrels!” General Jackson, we suspect, would have accommodated rebel commissioners in the same peremptory style.

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The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 07, No. 40, February, 1861 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.