truly!  Now I contend that they do not exist in France to the same extent as before, or nearly.  If this, then, be the case, what danger can be apprehended?  But if this, then, be true, and that Buonaparte, the child and champion of Jacobin principles, as he is called, be resolved to uphold them, upon what ground does the honourable gentleman presume to hope for the restoration of the House of Bourbon?  So far I have argued on the probability of the object, but the honourable gentleman goes on, and says, there is no wish to restore the monarchy without the consent of the people.  Now if this be the case, is it not better to leave the people to themselves, for if armies are to interfere, how can we ascertain that it is a legitimate government established with the pure consent of the people?  As to Buonaparte, whose character has been represented as marked with fraud and insincerity, has he not made treaties with the Emperor and observed them?  Is it not his interest to make peace with us?  Do you not think he feels it?  And can you suppose, that if peace were made, he has not power to make it be observed by the people of France?  And do not you think that the people of France are aware that an infraction of that peace would bring with it a new order of things, and a renewal of those calamities from which they are now desirous to escape?  But, Sir, on the character of Buonaparte I have better evidence than the intercepted letters, I appeal to Carnot, whether the instructions given with respect to the conduct to be observed to the Emperor, were not moderate, open, and magnanimous? [Here Mr. Sheridan read an extract from Carnot’s pamphlet, in support of his assertion.] With regard to the late note, in answer to his proposal to negotiate, it is foolish, insulting, and undignified.  It is evidence to me, that the honourable gentlemen themselves do not believe his character to be such as they describe it; for, if they did, they must know their language would irritate such a mind; the passions will mix themselves with reason in the conduct of men, and they cannot say that they will not yet be obliged to treat with Buonaparte.  I am warranted in saying this, for I do not believe in my heart, that since the defection of Russia, Ministers have been repenting of their answer.  I say so because I do not consider them so obstinate and headstrong as to persevere with as much ardour for the restoration of monarchy as when they were pledged with Russia.  There was not a nation in Europe which Ministers did not endeavour to draw into the war.  On what was such conduct founded, but on Jacobinical principles?  Indeed Ministers, by negotiating at one time with a Jacobinical government in France, plainly proved they were not so hostile to its principles as they would now wish to appear.  Prussia and Austria, as well as this country, have acted also on Jacobinical principles.  The conduct of this country towards Ireland has been perfectly Jacobinical.  How, then, can we define