it is very probable that this country with allies could carry on a war successfully—­yet when it comes to be a war to be carried on by England alone, there are other contingencies to be looked at, and the position of this country is to be considered with reference not to Europe alone, but with reference to our interests in every quarter of the world.  My Lords, these are considerations to be borne in mind with respect to this question of Denmark.  It may be said that other combinations might be made—­that although we could not ourselves attack the German Powers with any great amount of success, yet there are vulnerable points upon which they, and especially Austria, may be open to attack; that those doctrines and theories which Austria and Prussia have put forward, with regard to foreign nationalities, may be retorted upon them, and especially upon Austria with effect—­they may be applied to other parts of Europe than Schleswig and Holstein; that the German nationality is not the only nationality in Europe; that the Italian nationality has as much right to be considered as the Germans; and that if we were to enter upon a course of supporting nationalities, we should be perfectly justified by the doctrines and conduct of Austria.  This, no doubt, would be sufficient if the object were merely to show to Austria and Prussia that they are vulnerable on their own ground.  But, my Lords, I think it is the duty of England to show a greater attachment to peace than Austria and Prussia have shown, and not, if possible, to light a flame which might extend to every part of Europe, but rather to endeavour to confine the war within the narrowest limits possible.  Therefore, my Lords, with regard to this question, it is the opinion of Her Majesty’s Government that we should maintain the position which we have occupied, and that we should be neutral in this war.  I do not mean to say that contingencies may not arise in which our position might become different, and in which our conduct might be altered.  It may be said, ’Will you allow these German Powers to act as they please?  If, contrary to their professions and promises, they should decide upon sending a combined Austrian and Prussian force to Copenhagen with the declared object of making Denmark assent to terms which would be destructive of her independence—­will you then remain entirely indifferent to such proceedings?’ My Lords, I can only say in answer to such a question, that every Government in this country must retain to itself a certain liberty—­as long as it possesses the confidence of Parliament—­a certain liberty of decision upon such points.  All I can now say is, that if the Government should think it necessary to come to any fresh decision—­if the war should assume a new character—­if circumstances should arise which might require us to make another decision, it would be our duty, if Parliament were sitting, immediately to apply to Parliament upon the subject; and if Parliament should not be sitting, then at once to call Parliament together in order that it may judge the conduct which Her Majesty’s Government should pursue.