that they had endured the hardships, the toils, and the perils of a winter campaign.  But here was nothing but a naked robbery, without any part taken in the calamity which gave birth to it.  He had alluded to these things merely for the purpose of giving the Minister an opportunity of disapproving of them:  he hoped he should not hear the principle avowed.  Crowned heads, he thought, were at present led by some fatal infatuation to degrade themselves and injure mankind.  But some, it seems, regard any atrocity in monarchs as if it had lost its nature by not being committed by low and vulgar agents.  A head with a crown, and a head with a nightcap, totally altered the moral quality of actions—­robbery was no longer robbery—­and death, inflicted by a hand wielding a pike, or swaying a sceptre, was branded as murder, or regarded as innocent.  This was a fatal principle to mankind, and monstrous in the extreme.  He had lamented early the change of political sentiments in this country which indisposed Englishmen to the cause of liberty.  The worst part of the revolution in France is, that they have disgraced the cause they pretended to support.  However, none, he was persuaded, would deny that it was highly expedient to know the extent of our alliance with Powers who had acted so recently in the manner he had represented, and to have the object of our pursuit in this war distinctly known.  The Minister may perhaps in future come down to the House, and say he is sorry, but it has become highly necessary to interfere with the power of Britain farther, as the crowned ladies and gentlemen of Europe cannot agree about the partition of France, or that such a disposition is about to take place, that we shall be worse off than if we had let France remain as it was.  Those who feared the attachment of men to French principles, argued wrong.  From the effect of the experiment they would never be popular:  nothing but crimes and misery swelled all the accounts from that country.  If the peasant had been represented happy and contented, dancing in his vineyard, surrounded with a prosperous and innocent family, if such accounts had come, the tidings would have been gladly received.  At present we hear of nothing but want and carnage—­very unattracting indeed.  More danger, he thought, arose from a blind attachment to power, which gains security from the many evils abounding in France.  On the same principle that Prussia divided Poland, he contended, they might act here.  They declared a prevalence of French principles existed in Poland:  His Majesty’s proclamation asserts the same here, and is therefore, in this sense, an invitation to come and take care of us.  Could such despots love the free constitution of this country?  On the contrary, he was persuaded that, upon the very same principle that Poland was divided, and Dantzic and Thorn subjugated, England itself might be made an object for the same fate as soon as it became convenient to the confederates to make the experiment.  He