execute our threat, and that we should consider how we should deal with the French ships if we stopped the Egyptian—­in short not take a first step which might make a second necessary, without knowing in our own minds what that second step should be.  The Duke thinks the French will back out when they know our disapprobation, and that at any rate the Pasha would.  I rather doubt this of either of them.

The French say they have a sort of quarrel with Tripoli, but none with Tunis, and they enter into a scheme for conquering both as stepping-stones to Algiers.  Tunis in their hands would be more dangerous than Algiers.

Hardinge told me he had had a long conversation with Peel the other day on the state of the country.  He thought Peel seemed to have apprehensions, and to think that if the King, through some intrigue of the Brunswickers, got rid of the Duke, things would go very ill indeed; that the authority of the Duke alone kept things quiet.  England is in a bad state, because the country gentlemen have ill-paid rents; but Scotland and Ireland do very well, and the trade of the country is not depressed.

Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor’s.  The Duke of Montrose there, as it was to have been a dinner for the sheriffs.  I told the Duke of my notion of altering the law of succession to property in India, and enabling all existing proprietors to leave their estates as they please.

January 28.

The ‘Times’ publishes my letter to Malcolm to-day, with comments.

Upon the whole I am glad the letter has been published.  I think no one can read it without seeing I am actuated only by public views, and that I am determined to do my duty.

The editor of the ‘Courier’ called at the Indian Board and saw Bankes, and asked whether he should say anything.  Bankes said he would see me before he gave an answer.  I do not care about the publication, and the letter will defend itself.

January 29.

Chairs have received very bad accounts of the temper of the Madras army, which has no cause of complaint.  Lord W. Bentinck has been at last obliged to lay his hand upon the press, and, as might have been expected, is much more abused than if he had done so at first.  The Radicals had begun to consider him one of themselves, and so think him a traitor when he refuses to go any further with them.

I went to the Duke and told him what they said.  He is, as usual, sanguine, and thinks it will blow over.

I told the Duke I thought he had better look out for a Governor-General, for it might be necessary to recall Lord W. Bentinck.  The objection to making Malcolm provisional successor is that he would stay till he died in order to be Governor-General one day.  Otherwise his provisional appointment would strengthen the local Government very much.

At the Cabinet they had all read my letter in the ‘Times,’ except the Chancellor.  I told him to read it.