Lord Durham moved the printing of the Appropriation List, which was negatived without a division, as unusual; but I dare say he will ask questions as to some of the items.

July 10.

As I was coming home from the office I called on Hardinge.  He considers the division to have been invaluable to us here and even to France.  Certainly the French funds rose when it was known the present King held the same course as his predecessor.  Hardinge thinks many men are disposed to support the Duke’s Government under the idea that all sorts of calamities would attend the weak Government which must succeed it.  He thinks Palmerston the best man to have in Goulburn’s place, Goulburn going to the Speakership.  He thinks W. Horton would be better than Frankland Lewis as his successor at the War Office, it being necessary in either case to get Lord F. Leveson into the House of Lords.  Fitzgerald has written to Hardinge, and seems eager about politics.  I wish he was well and could come into office again.

I do not know that the Duke or anybody would have any objection to Palmerston coming in by himself; but I doubt Huskisson’s ever being in office again while the Duke lives.  Neither will the Grants come in—­indeed it is to be hoped they will both be turned out of their seats.

July 12.

Office.  Backhouse brought the account of Sir J. Macdonald’s expected death; the date, May 12.  Sir Henry Willock will take charge of the mission ad interim.  He may be a sensible man, but the loss of Macdonald is severe.  I do not know how we shall replace him.

Cabinet at 2.  The business was the eternal slave question—­what answer should be given to Brougham to-morrow.  He is expected to propose some pledge of proceeding legislatively in the next session as to the admission of slave evidence and other points.  A Bill has been prepared making slave evidence admissible, and it would probably have been introduced but for the early termination of the session.  However, there seems to be great reluctance to embark in a contest with the Colonial legislatures.  The foolish resolutions moved by Canning are deeply regretted.  I was the only man who objected to them, when, two years after they had been found of no avail, it was proposed that the Lords should concur in them.  Peel objects to any pledge on the part of Parliament, more particularly on the eve of a dissolution.  It is thought that by paying from our funds for an improved judicature in the West Indies we may induce the colonies to acquiesce in the admission of slave evidence, although imposed by the interposition of Parliament.  I doubt it, and if we pass a law to which the colonies are adverse, which they will regard as being no law, how are we to execute it?  We may make judges and pay them, but we must procure submission to those judges, and further, we must make jurymen.

All these difficulties I foresaw when the Lords adopted the Commons’ resolution; but I suppose Canning forced it upon Lord Bathurst and the Cabinet.