what other people, for 1000 years, has not consented to be ruled by despotism?  Even in the nineteenth century I am glad to look back to the wisdom of our fathers through a thousand years—­who laid down for Hungarian institutions a basis which for all eternity must remain true.  This basis was upon that Latin proverb nil de nobis, sine nobis—­“nothing about us without us.”  That was, to claim that every man should have a full share in the sovereignty of the people and a full share in the rights belonging to his nation.  In other times a theory was got up to convince the people that they might have a share in legislation just so far as to control that legislation, but denying the right of the people to control the executive power.  The Hungarian people never adopted that theory.  They ever claimed a full share in the executive as well as in the legislative and judicial power.  Out of this idea of government rose the municipal system of Hungary.  In respect to Hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it in the same light as the aristocracy of England.  The word nobleman in Hungary originally was equivalent to soldier.  Every man who defended his country was a nobleman, and every man who had a vote was called to defend his country.  I believe the duty of defending a man’s country, and also political right, should be common.

After our people had conquered a home, the leaders took the lion’s share, of course.  But it should be considered that those who had the largest share of the property, were compelled to furnish soldiers according to the extent of their possessions.  Therefore such men gave a part of their land to people to cultivate, and desired aid of them whenever the necessity for war came.  So all who defended their country were considered noblemen.  Hungary was divided into fifty-two counties, but not counties like yours—­some of them were so populous as to be comparable to your States, containing perhaps half a million or more of people, and those who became the aristocracy in some of these counties amounted to 35,000.  In every county was a fortress, and whenever defence became necessary, the rich men went into these fortresses under their own banner, and the others went under the King’s colours, and were commanded by the sheriff of the county, who might be here Governor—­at least who was the chief of the Executive.  Certain of the cities were raised to constitutional rights.  A smaller city, if surrounded by fortifications, or if an important post, was represented in the Diet, whilst larger places, if not posts of importance for national defence, were represented only by the County Delegates.  Every place that had the elements of defence had political rights.  So it came to pass that the aristocracy were not a few men, but half a million.  I had contended to beat down this barrier of aristocracy.  Before the Revolution, in municipal governments only the nobility had a share—­they only were