in his removals from office, although he unfortunately inaugurated that fatal policy consummated by Jackson, which has since been the policy of the Government,—­that spoils belong to victors.  This policy has done more to demoralize the politics of the country than all other causes combined; yet it is now the aim of patriotic and enlightened men to destroy its power and re-introduce that of Washington and Hamilton, and of all nations of political experience.  The civil-service reform is now one of the main questions and issues of American legislation; but so bitterly is it opposed by venal politicians that I fear it cannot be made fully operative until the country demands it as imperatively as the English did the passage of their Reform Bill.  However, it has gained so much popular strength that both of the prominent political parties of the present time profess to favor it, and promise to make it effective.

It would be interesting to describe the animosities of the Federal and Republican parties, which have since never been equalled in bitterness and rancor and fierceness, but I have not time.  I am old enough to remember them, until they passed away with the administration of General Jackson, when other questions arose.  With the struggle for ascendency between these political parties, the public services of Hamilton closed.  He resumed the practice of the law in New York, even before the close of Washington’s administration.  He became the leader of the Bar, without making a fortune; for in those times lawyers did not know how to charge, any more than city doctors.  I doubt if his income as a lawyer ever reached $10,000 a year; but he lived well, as most lawyers do, even if they die poor.  His house was the centre of hospitalities, and thither resorted the best society of the city, as well as distinguished people from all parts of the country.

Nor did his political influence decline after he had parted with power.  He was a rare exception to most public men after their official life is ended; and nothing so peculiarly marks a great man as the continuance of influence with the absence of power; for influence and power are distinct.  Influence, in fact, never passes away, but power is ephemeral.  Theologians, poets, philosophers, great writers, have influence and no power; railroad kings and bank presidents have power but not necessarily influence.  Saint Augustine, in a little African town, had more influence than the bishop of Rome.  Rousseau had no power, but he created the French Revolution.  Socrates revolutionized Greek philosophy, but had not power enough to save his life from unjust accusations.  What an influence a great editor wields in these times, yet how little power he has, unless he owns the journal he directs!  What an influence was enjoyed by a wise and able clergyman in New England one hundred years ago, and which was impossible without force of character and great wisdom!  Hamilton had wisdom and force of character, and therefore had great influence