The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade, by the British Parliament (1839) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 827 pages of information about The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade, by the British Parliament (1839).

The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade, by the British Parliament (1839) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 827 pages of information about The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade, by the British Parliament (1839).
these was from certain persons at Derby, in opposition to the other from that town.  The second was from Stephen Fuller, Esq., as agent for Jamaica.  The third from J. Dawson, Esq., a slave-merchant at Liverpool.  And the fourth from the merchants, planters, mortgagees, annuitants, and others concerned in the West Indian colonies.  Taking in all these statements, the account stood thus:—­for regulation there was one; against all abolition there were four; and for the total abolition of the trade five hundred and nineteen.

On the 2nd of April Mr. Wilberforce moved the order of the day; which having been agreed to, Sir William Dolben was put into the chair.

He then began by soliciting the candid attention of the West Indians to what he was going to deliver to the House.  However others might have censured them indiscriminately, he had always himself made a distinction between them and their system.  It was the latter only which he reprobated.  If aristocracy had been thought a worse form of government than monarchy, because the people had many tyrants instead of one, how objectionable must be that form of it, which existed in our colonies!  Arbitrary power could be bought there by any one, who could buy a slave.  The fierceness of it was doubtless restrained by an elevation of mind in many, as arising from a consciousness of superior rank and consequence:  but, alas! it was too often exercised there by the base and vulgar.  The more liberal, too, of the planters were not resident upon their estates.  Hence a promiscuous censure of them would be unjust, though their system would undoubtedly be odious.

As for the cure of this monstrous evil, he had shown, last year, that internal regulations would not produce it.  These could have no effect, while the evidence of slaves was inadmissible.  What would be the situation of the bulk of the people of this country, if only gentlemen of five hundred a-year were admitted as evidences in our courts of law?  Neither was the cure of it in the emancipation of the slaves.  He did not deny that he wished them this latter blessing.  But, alas, in their present degraded state, they were unfit for it!  Liberty was the child of reason and order.  It was, indeed, a plant of celestial growth, but the soil must be prepared for its reception.  He, who would see it flourish and bring forth its proper fruit, must not think it sufficient to let it shoot in unrestrained licentiousness.  But if this inestimable blessing was ever to be imparted to them, the cause must be removed, which obstructed its introduction.  In short, no effectual remedy could be found but in the abolition of the Slave Trade.

He then took a copious view of the advantages, which would arise both to the master and to the slave, if this traffic were done away; and having recapitulated and answered the different objections to such a measure, he went to that part of the subject, in which he described himself to be most interested.

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