In the orthodox expectation of the Mahdi the Moslim theory has most sharply expressed its condemnation of the later political history of Islam.  In the course of the first century after the Hijrah the Qoran scholars (garis) arose; and these in turn were succeeded by the men of tradition (ahl al-hadith) and by the canonists (faqihs) of later times.  These learned men (ulama’) would not endure any interference with their right to state with authority what Islam demanded of its leaders.  They laid claim to an interpretative authority concerning the divine law, which bordered upon supreme legislative power; their agreement (Ijma’) was that of the infallible community.  But just as beside this legislative agreement, a dogmatic and a mystic agreement grew up, in the same way there was a separate Ijma’ regarding the political government, upon which the canonists could exercise only an indirect influence.  In other words since the accession of the Omayyad khalifs, the actual authority rested in the hands of dynasties, and under the Abbasids government assumed even a despotic character.  This relation between the governors and governed, originally alien to Islam, was not changed by the transference of the actual power into the hands of wezirs and officers of the bodyguard; nor yet by the disintegration of the empire into a number of small despotisms, the investiture of which by the khalif became a mere formality.  Dynastic and political questions were settled in a comparatively small circle, by court intrigue, stratagems, and force; and the canonists, like the people, were bound to accept the results.  Politically inclined interpreters of the law might try to justify their compulsory assent to the facts by theories about the Ijma’ of the notables residing in the capital, who took the urgent decisions about the succession, which decisions were subsequently confirmed by general homage to the new prince; but they had no illusions about the real influence of the community upon the choice of its leader.  The most independent scholars made no attempt to disguise the fact that the course which political affairs had taken was the clearest proof of the moral degeneration which had set in, and they pronounced an equally bold and merciless criticism upon the government in all its departments.  It became a matter of course that a pious scholar must keep himself free from all intercourse with state officials, on pain of losing his reputation.

The bridge across the gulf that separated the spiritual from the temporal authorities was formed by those state officials who, for the practice of their office, needed a knowledge of the divine law, especially the qadhis.  It was originally the duty of these judges to decide all legal differences between Mohammedans, or men of other creeds under Mohammedan protection, who called for their decision.  The actual division between the rulers and the interpreters of the law caused an ever-increasing limitation of the authority