The physical deterioration of one’s body is an inevitable part of the ageing process. However, the ageist cultural and societal attitudes that often accompany ageing are not. The way in which Western culture both marginalises and stigmatises ageing individuals is a socially constructed phenomenon. Noteworthy is the way in which some cultures view and utilise the experiences of aged individuals in their community. Indigenous cultures such as that of the Australian Aboriginals, for example, revere their elders, and in particular their male elders, as people from whom they can seek counsel and guidance. Contemporary Western society arguably devalues the experiences and capabilities of older people at the expense of championing youth. This becomes increasingly evident where employment is concerned, with most large companies and corporations investing heavily in youth policies possibly seeking new and contemporary methods of business acumen. The result is the obvious identification of acceptance of youth over older individuals who may have gained a wealth of experience.
Given that the workplace is an area which men have established as being a significant site for the social construction of masculinity, including masculine identity, retirement plays a major role in defining men as they age. Retirement clearly denotes that a specific productive period of a man’s life, where he is often a financia l provid er for the fam il over. It is also a period in which feelings associated with self-worth and identity are strong. One of the first things that men engage in when meeting new male peers is to develop a system of hierarchy. That is, they will often shake hands and say, ‘What do you do?’ Therefore, early periods of retirement can be problematic for some men as they no longer ‘do’ anything specifically that define s the existence, other than being retired.
Understanding men in ageing is important. Significantly, research on men and masculinities in general does not have a long history. There is still so much that needs to be explored regarding men’s lives and constructions of masculinities throughout the life course. Even more significant is the dearth of information on ageing men and masculinities, which in turn renders this aspect of men’s lives even less understood. As Thompson and Whearty (2004) claim, research addressing later life masculinities is in its infancy. Further, they go on to state that older men’s masculinities remain hazy and need to be outlined. Davidson (2004) adds weight to this argument by identifying that while there has been a growth in sociological research on men and masculinities, the lives of older men have been conspicuously absent. These are important claims and indeed provide justification for the lack of understanding surrounding older men’s lives.
Arguably, as the research indicates, there are a number of key issues that ageing men must confront. Significantly, because ageing is constructed as much socially as it is physiologically, these issues are ‘fluid’ in the sense that they have capacity to change over time and with circumstances. As has already been noted, retirement plays a significant role in the ageing process for men. This is particularly so for males born in an era where men constructed their masculine identity on work and being financial providers for the fam For the majority of ageing men in contemporary Western culture it is possible to contend that this is still the case (Kaye and Crittenden 2005). However, it is arguable that the ‘Babyboomer’ generation may impact this notion significantly as it has been identified that this generation of males with higher income, higher levels of education, less debt and more transient views of culture are less likely to put such emphasis on retirement than those that have come before them. Further, it is a generation that has experienced feminism in action and therefore has a greater understanding of women’s involvement in the workforce and their contribution to household income generation. Quite possibly the transition to retirement may be less traumatic for Babyboomer males because of their experiences and understanding of feminist issues that have the capacity to impact males.
Socialisation is an important component in an individual’s health and wellbeing. It is commonly cited that women have far more confidantes than men and that their social support network casts its net further (Krause and Keith 1989; Scott and Wenger 1995). The result is that, when faced with a crisis, women have the ability to call upon a number of different people to seek advice and provide direction, thus assisting in the maintenance of positive emotional and mental health. This appears not to be the case for most men. Additionally, as men age it is claimed that their social network diminishes, in stark contrast to women’s, and that ageing men are more comfortable with such an occurrence (Kaye and Crittenden 2005). Further, they take solace in seeking the primary, almost sole, companionship of their wife or partner. This is reflected in Thompson and Whearty’s (2004) claims suggesting that older men’s social support networks reflect the importance of a few significant people rather than many acquaintances. They go on to identify that older men do not continue to engage in replacing lost peripheral acquaintances as these do not have the desired intimacy. As a consequence, it is argued that as men age their social contacts diminish at the expense of attempting to seek companionship and time that is emotionally rewarding. However, herein lies a problem for aged men who become widowed or divorced. Davidson (2004) confirms such a claim by identifying that older lone men are particularly likely to experience social isolation. Similarly Kaye and Crittenden (2005) concur in so far as highlighting that when an older man loses his spouse he loses a close confidante as well as an important component of his social support network.
While it might be argued that the reduction in social support can have deleterious effects on ageing men, it might also be claimed that for many men this change in emphasis to a more complicit form of masculinity, in which intimacy and nurturing is championed, is beneficial to the ageing male’s masculine identity. Ageing men have been identified to provide close friends and individuals from younger generations with life experiences through grandparenting, role modelling and mentoring as well as volunteering (Adams 1994; Erikson et al 1994).
Body size and musculature play a significant role in the construction of a man’s masculine identity (Drummond 2005b). Indeed, a greater amount of emphasis is being placed on males to live up to a certain masculine archetype based on body shape, size and muscularity. As men age, the physiological processes that underpin muscle size take effect to begin the muscular atrophy: that is, the reduction of musculature. Therefore it is inevitable that ageing men will lose muscle size and, with it, will lose muscle strength. There are several resultant occurrences. As men have been socially constructed to look up to a certain body ideal, any deviation from the archetype can have negative implications for ageing men in the short term (Drummond 2003). However, more significant is the loss of associated strength. Historically, strength has been a signifier of masculinity. One only has to invite younger males to discuss meanings of masculinity and the response generally revolves around strength. Sometimes it relates to character, but mostly it relates to physicality (Drummond 2005b). Therefore, it is particularly difficult for ageing men to come to terms with the changing nature of their bodies and not being able to ‘do’ the physical acts that they once could perform as younger men. As one older man stated in Drummond’s 2003 research:
When I was ill for ten months, I used to be more physically fit and stronger, and I will never get it back like I used to. It makes me feel terrible, absolutely terrible. I could never understand my father-in-law, who used to be a boxer and was pretty fit, and he used to complain that he couldn’t take a lid off a jar and he would get very upset that he physically could not do these things. And that was really upsetting. And that’s the way I feel. I have physically lost things that my body just can’t do.
(Drummond 2003:191)
Coming to terms with physical, emotional and social change throughout the life course is the cornerstone of positive mental health for both men and women. In terms of men and their masculine identity, while the reduction in physical strength may be an impacting factor it does not have to be, nor does it appear to be, a long-term concern. Most men develop a sense of understanding of the broad physiological deterioration that takes place with ageing. However, in the event of having to challenge their physicality, many ageing men express an initial surprise that their bodies cannot ‘do’ what they once could ‘do’. An immediate sense of loss often occurs as a realisation is established that they no longer have certain physical capabilities. Significantly, it is these physical capabilities that often provided them with a sense of masculine identity. It was also these physical capabilities that enabled them to use their bodies in gendered, masculinised ways, such as getting up on the roof to clean the gutters or opening lids on jars for their female partners (Drummond 2003).
Importantly, as men age they do come to terms with the physical limitations that age bestows upon them. Further, ageing men realise that both musculature and strength diminish, along with flexibility and other physiological parameters. Once these men identify that masculinity does not need to be displayed through bodily physicality, there appears to be a sense of contentment with respect to the ageing process. One might contend that through the ageing process masculinity is no longer an extrinsically oriented phenomenon that occurs via the body, but rather an intrinsic one based on other qualities.
Ageing men have a wealth of expertise, knowledge and life experiences to pass on to future generations, both males and females alike. Too often, when discussing aspects of age and ageing relating to men we can focus on the negative aspects. It is important to recognise the attributes of older males and their potential to influence the ways masculinity(ies) is socially constructed in contemporary culture. Because of ageist attitudes it is easy to disregard the voices of older males and render their perspectives as antiquated. However, life experiences have the potential to impact cultures in profound ways. Currently in Australia there is a resurgence associated with honouring war veterans, and in particular the ANZACs (Australian and New Zealand Army Corps) who served in the First and Second World Wars. While women also served their country, it is the stories of the ‘diggers’ (male veterans) that are capturing the attention of the younger generation. It was not long ago that the cancellation of the ANZAC Day marches was being considered for lack of numbers, both in terms of the veterans marching and the onlookers honouring the veterans. However, over the past decade, culturally Australia has come to identify the importance of what these ageing men have to say and how their experiences will add depth and breadth to the future generations of Australians. It is on ANZAC Day that Australians embrace their ageing men who fought for their country and that they identify with the ethos that underpinned their reasoning to defend the nation. It is arguable that there is evidence of such understanding being sustained longer than the day itself. However, it must become culturally embedded rather than a mere token gesture.
Significantly, individuals are now living longer than ever before. Both men’s and women’s life expectancies are steadily increasing thanks to a number of factors which largely relate to health promotion, public health and medicines. However, with increased life expectancy comes the need for quality of life as well. Sexual intimacy is a part of quality of life for men of all ages. Importantly, the new medications that have been developed to assist in positive sexual functioning have provided interesting debate on ageing and sexual practice. Perhaps the most significant factor to emerge for the production of the new medications is the heightened awareness of sexuality in the lives of older people. Further, the attention this topic has received in mainstream media has desensitised it to the point where older men are beginning to feel less intimidated in discussing such concerns as sexual dysfunction with health practitioners. Until recently, sexual dysfunction in men, generally termed ‘impotency’, was frowned upon as something that was less than masculine, and possibly even feminine. Sexual virility among males has been a strong signifier of masculinity across many cultures throughout the world, and continues to be so.
The ageing process for men does not have to be a turbulent one. Old age can provide men with an opportunity to explore aspects of their lives with the addition of experience and wisdom, arguably something they did not have as younger males. Most men develop a family unity and spend a good deal of their time nurturing and raising children while simultaneously working and forging careers. The middle years of a man’s life can be hectic and unwavering as a consequence of work and family commitments. The years beyond retirement, and when the children have become adults, provide men with an opportunity to reflect and use their experiences wisely. This is a time when they can become a little more selfish and enjoy the lives they have made for themselves.
This is the complete article, containing 2,240 words
(approx. 7 pages at 300 words per page).
