Women in Central Asia
Central Asian women represent more than twenty different ethnic groups, speak variations of the Turkic and Tajik languages, and live in five countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Nevertheless, they share many common characteristics. Most Central Asian women are Muslims of the Sunni sect. They were raised under Soviet ideals of gender equality; they share high literacy rates, maintain close ties to their extended families, and are navigating the immense economic and social upheaval of the post-Soviet era.
Pre-Soviet Society
Little is recorded about Central Asian women prior to the Soviet period. Sparse descriptions in travel journals note that women of the nomadic Kazakh and Kyrgyz groups rarely were veiled. In comparison, their more sedentary agricultural neighbors, the Uzbeks, practiced female seclusion and adhered to the custom of parandzha, face and body veiling. Women of nomadic tribes wore male apparel since girls and women were expected to perform tasks as competently as their male counterparts, whether horseback riding, hunting, or herding. Such expectations stemmed from the seasonal cycle of nomadism, which required that men and women live separately for months at a time. While men grazed cattle on the highest pastures, women were the de facto masters of the lower-altitude camps,performing all the duties that men performed when they were there. Since the nomadic groups of Central Asia were not Islamized until the 1800s, these women had few restrictions on their daily lives. Nevertheless, both nomadic and sedentary women had few opportunities to be educated, little freedom in choosing a mate, and few property rights.
The Soviet Period
Beginning in 1926 the Soviets initiated a campaign of female emancipation in Central Asia called (in Uzbek) hujum or assault. This campaign advocated that, for the good of the young Soviet nation, Muslim women become the equals of men, be allowed to work, and be educated outside the home. One of the most radical steps in the campaign was do away with the custom of veiling. The Soviets organized large assemblies so thousands of women could "unveil" at the same time. For the Russians the veil symbolized oppression and ignorance, but for Central Asians the veil was an integral part of their lives. In urban settings it provided protection from the desert heat and dust; it also represented the definitive divide between the spaces accorded to men and women. Men were the public face of the family, and women remained secluded in their homes with their children.
Over the course of a decade Central Asians slowly shed the veil. They were given an education, and, as a first step toward employment outside the home, the Soviets established female cooperatives for textile and agricultural training. It became understood during the Soviet period that education and employment were not only their right but also their duty to their country.
In spite of Soviet norms and restrictions, many traditional customs survived. Central Asian women in many ways lived dualistic lives. They performed their duties as Soviet citizens in public while privately attending to the numerous traditions and rituals that reflected the central role of family in their society. Perhaps only in the realm of childbearing did the Soviet agenda and Central Asian traditionalism overlap. In Central Asian society children are considered a family's wealth; a woman who bears many children is regarded highly. During World War II, the Soviets encouraged reproduction, presenting medals of honor to women bearing more than five children. Central Asian women were by far the most decorated "mother heroines," even as they continued to work outside the home and boosted literacy rates to 98 percent.
Post-Soviet Dilemmas
With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in August 1991, five new states emerged from the former Soviet republics. "Democracy" and "market economy" became code words for the transition away from socialism. Instead of ushering in a new era of freedom and opportunity, as hoped, the last decade of the twentieth century was particularly arduous for women. Many of the state enterprises and collective farms, which had previously employed a large percentage of women, were privatized or eliminated. Official and unofficial unemployment have become rampant. Further, many preschools and medical supports for the aged were curtailed because of limited governmental funds. Without state provisions for child care, elder care, and other benefits, women become primary caregivers for their extended families. At the end of the twentieth century, Central Asian women also played a pivotal role in nongovernmental organizations. In lieu of formal employment, they were active in the informal marketplace, especially in buying and selling goods at local bazaars.
In summary, the ethnic diversity of Central Asian women is mitigated by the fact that they share the customs of Islam. Likewise, the common experience of seventy years under Soviet rule gave women the opportunity to be educated and to work outside the home. Nevertheless, women continue to be expected to maintain family traditions. The economic woes resulting from the independence of the Central Asian countries placed an unusually heavy burden on women, since they were primarily responsible for the physical and social well-being of the family and for supplying an income.
Further Reading
Akiner, Shirin. (1997) "Between Tradition and Modernity: The Dilemma Facing Contemporary Central Asian Women." In Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia, edited by Mary Buckley. New York: Cambridge University Press, 261–304.
Massell, Gregory J. (1974) The Surrogate Proletariat: Moslem Women and Revolutionary Strategies in Soviet Central Asia, 1919–1929. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Olcott, Martha Brill. (1991) "Women and Society in Central Asia." In Soviet Central Asia: The Failed Transformation, edited by William Fierman. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 235–254.
Tabyshalieva, Anara. (1997) "Women of Central Asia and the Fertility Cult." Anthropology and Archeology of Eurasia 36, 2: 45–62.
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