Summary:
The rise of Kim Campbell as Canada's first female Prime Minister is considered by many to be that of a phenomenon. This can be shown by the rise of Kim Campbell from a local Vancouver School Board Trustee, to becoming Prime Minister of Canada.
The rise of Kim Campbell as Canada's first female Prime Minister is considered by many to be that of a phenomenon. Webster's Dictionary describes a phenomenon as being something of significant or rare, either fact or event. This can be shown by the rise of Kim Campbell from a local Vancouver School Board Trustee, to becoming Prime Minister of Canada. Of course, this success was dependent on her ability and ambition to succeed in what is still considered in contemporary terms as being a male dominated area of profession. Politics, especially in Canada and the United States has never been known for its equal availability between men and women, and only in recent times has seen growth in the number of women who are elected and participate in the democratic process. While other women in the past have made strides to provide equality between men and women, Kim Campbell is said to have made the biggest stride of all, she achieved many positions that had formerly been male dominated, and in some cases restricted to certain provinces of Canada. Campbell's rise to power can be credited to various factors, but of these factors, her education, her native province, her actions as a cabinet minister and a desire for change are most important. These factors would lead Kim Campbell to rise as Canada's first female Prime Minister. The factors that would ultimately be her demise were stronger than those that had helped her there, the media and internal fighting made it impossible for Campbell to continue as Prime Minister after the 1993 election.
Academically, Kim Campbell was a longtime student of government and politics. She first studied at the University of British Columbia; then moved onwards and upwards to the London School of Economics. Although she had received her Bachelors Degree, all attempts at completing her Masters degree and Doctorate (PHD) had failed. This failure was not due to inability, but instead due to her growing ambition to further her career possibilities. When she was given the opportunity to succeed in a field of interest, she jumped at the chance. Afterwards, she lectured at the University of British Columbia and Vancouver Community College in the area of political science. Because she had only received her Bachelor's degree, she was unable to receive tenure, and had to frequently change her places of work, and ultimately became tired of the process. Campbell felt that it was not due to her academics that she did not receive tenure, but instead that it was due to sexism.
In 1980 she entered the world of elected public office as a trustee of the Vancouver School Board, serving as its Chairperson in 1983 and Vice-Chairperson in 1984, while completing her law degree at the University of British Columbia. After an early run for the Social Credit party in the provincial election of 1983 she worked in the office of Premier Bill Bennett before running again and winning in the 1986 provincial election. While a member of the British Columbian legislature, it became apparent that she would not be able to further her career, as a MLA (Member of the Legislative Assembly) backbencher. During this time the Progressive Conservatives were preparing for the upcoming 1988 Federal Election. In 1988 she accepted an offer from the federal Progressive Conservative party to run for the nomination in the riding of Vancouver Centre.
As she had previously done, Campbell jumped at the chance to further her opportunities, but this would come at a cost. The province of British Columbia was an area in which the Conservatives were lacking in support. They sought the nomination of Kim Campbell in an attempt to better their standing, and gather support for what were unpopular topics, such as Free Trade. In order to convince Campbell to abandon her seat in the BC legislature, the Conservatives provided her with a care package, which amounted in $65,000, which would cover her lost salary, pension and time spent in the campaign. Yet again, Campbell was confronted with a possible advance of her political career and gambled, and succeeded. It might be asked why the Conservative party actively pursued Campbell to join the federal party, this can simply be answered that while this was an opportunity for Campbell, she would also counter widespread opposition to free trade in British Columbia. Her gamble would reap benefits; she won the seat of Vancouver Centre, by a narrow margin.
Immediately after being elected, Campbell would start to campaign in support of free trade, in hopes of convincing British Columbians that it was in their best interest to support the Progressive Conservatives. Campbell had campaigned hard for free trade, and when it came time for the passing of the legislation, it proved to be a good introduction for her into Parliament. For Campbell, it would provide the introduction she had missed by entering the election race three weeks late, and missing the "campaign college" in Ottawa, where new candidates and incumbents receive training on campaign techniques and get to know one another. Campbell had believed that her experience as a school trustee and later a MLA would prepare her for federal politics, this was not so. Her low experience in this political arena made for her to be a quick learner a necessity.
In the 1988 election, only four Tory representatives were elected, leaving an opening in the Mulroney Cabinet for promotions. Although Campbell had only just entered the party, and had been elected on her first attempt, she had high hopes that she might be considered for a place in the Mulroney cabinet. On January 30, 1989 Kim Campbell was sworn-in as the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. As the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Campbell would gain experience as a cabinet minister and prepare to deal with the growing concerns of the citizens of Canada. Even though the Conservatives had won a majority of the seats, and had been given another four-year mandate, their popularity was dropping. There were three central reasons for this, the free trade agreement, the goods and services tax (GST), and lastly the cutting of social programs. All three would become dreadful reminders for voters in the next election. These factors would plague the Conservative party and its members in each of their ridings. The issues of the GST and the cutting of social programs are closely related.
When the Conservatives came to power in 1984, there were three scary figures in the 1984-85 national accounts: a national debt of $210 billion, an annual budgetary deficit of $38 billion, and an annual program deficit of $16 billion. The government of Canada had to pay interest every year on the $210 billion, and continued to add to that debt because its expenditures outnumbered its incoming revenue by $38 billion. The payment of interest on the debt was increased, by having to also pay interest on borrowed money, which had been used to pay for government programs, in the excess of $16 billion. As a matter of figures, the simplest explanation is that a full 32 cents of every tax dollar received by the federal government was going to pay for interest, not programs, and this proportion of taxes going to interest would rise. The solution to this growing problem was the reduction of spending, the cutting of social programs, and the raising of taxes. This brought the popularity of the Conservative to an all-time low. It had been speculated with the dropping of popularity of the Conservative leader, that these figures would tarnish anyone who would lead the party into the next election.
As the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, she became comfortable with her new surroundings, even during these times, being a woman and cabinet minister was a rarity. Her position as cabinet minister at this time did very little for her recognition. In her autobiography, Campbell speaks about what her experience as a woman on Parliament Hill was like during this time,
I am often asked about my experience as a woman on the Hill. Forty-one women were elected to Parliament in 1988, twenty-six of them Progressive Conservatives. Sitting in the House, I thought of what it must have been like for women like Agnes Macphail, Ellen Fairclough, and Flora Macdonald, all of whom were, in their time, lone women MPs. When Pat Carney went to Ottawa in 1980 and began challenging the rule that what have paid the travel costs of a "spousal equivalent" but would not allow her as a single parent to use that allowance for a child, she was told she should be grateful that women MPs were now paid the same as men! By 1988, the House was much less the boys' club it had been, although it still had a way to go.
Campbell displays how women have been treated in the past in the public sphere, and how it has slowly changed over time.
After a mere thirteen months, Campbell would be promoted, and named Minister of Justice and Attorney General. She would be the first woman to attain this position, and the media who were astonished by the decision immediately recognized this, and made the quite the issue of it. Campbell's lack of experience and recent coming to the party itself were widely publicized. Additionally, her mere seven years out of law school hardly qualified her for such a position. In her own defense, she stated that she was the first minister of justice to have attended law school in the era of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This did little to soften criticism. Even though she had attained her law degree from the University of British Columbia, she was given very little credit. This would be the biggest push in Campbell's career, this promotion would allow for changes to be made, that otherwise might not have been.
Campbell's appointment as Minister of Justice improved Conservative popularity in British Columbia. "People at home were proud that the first woman attorney general of Canada was from B.C. In addition, within the party, this promotion signaled to the rest of the party that Campbell was to be watched. Her promotion was considered a "laying on of hands" by the prime minister. This also meant that now there would be two senior female cabinet ministers, Campbell and Barbara McDougall, who was touted as the most likely to have a shot at becoming leader of the party if the prime minister retired. Even at that time, there were some rumors and talks of Campbell possible having an opportunity at leadership, but in her own words, it seemed "high premature to her, but it grew considerably after [she] became justice minister."
As Minister of Justice, Campbell would deal with the growing concerns over Gun Control, which has been amplified with the tragedy at Ecole Polytechnique, where, on December 6, 1989, Marc Lepine had shot and killed fourteen young women, mostly engineering students. The killings had horrified the entire country, and sparked demand for tougher gun control. Interestingly, Campbell spoke vocally about her feminist views, and used these views to shape policy and the betterment of women's lives.
The fact that Campbell was the first female justice minister was a significant milestone. She had been congratulated throughout Canada, but specifically in Vancouver where she was greeted and applauded. The women she encountered, irrespective of their political bias, felt validated by the fact that such an important portfolio was now occupied by a woman. The significance of her appointment was further emphasized that same month when Madam Justice Bertha Wilson, the first woman appointed to the Supreme Court of Canada, gave a speech in which she identified serious gender bias in certain areas of the law. Her speech offended some people who thought a judge of the Supreme Court should not be making such provocative comments. However, for many people who knew the legal system, her remarks were a welcome public acknowledgement that a problem did exist. As justice minister, Campbell had the jurisdiction and ability to address these problems.
In order to best describe these problems, the comments of three different judges in three different courtrooms over the last twenty years, best explains the problems that existed. A judge in New Brunswick turned to a woman lawyer who was there with her clients and said, "Well little girl, and what do you have to say"" A judge in British Columbia commented in the late 1970s, "Women don't get much brains before they're thirty." And a Quebec judge declared in 1987, "Rules, like women, are meant to be violated." Women regularly encountered barriers to their participation in the legal profession. Their credibility as witnesses or complainants in court was often questioned. Some law enforcement authorities turned a blind eye to domestic violence, and in many cases women were held responsible for violence and sexual acts perpetrated against them.
As justice minister, she was prepared and eager to be proactive in working for women's equality. This proved to be difficult in some respects. The main issue that separated Campbell from many feminist groups was the issue of Abortion. Feminist groups were against any legislation that would limit a woman from choosing whether or not to have an abortion. Even though the legislation only required that women be fully advised by their doctor, and that a doctor had the choice whether or not to perform the abortion, this legislation was very unpopular. Feminist groups were enraged by this legislation. When the legislation (Bill C-43) passed its final reading in the House of Commons, the pro-choice opponents of the bill began a disturbance, shouting, "No new law, we're never going back!" To those for whom "no law" was the only acceptable pro-choice position, Campbell's support for Bill C-43 meant, "that she was [in their eyes] a traitor." In many respects, groups such as the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, commented that although Campbell was a self-proclaimed feminist, that "she sounded like some kind of feminist, but she is still carrying out the same politics of male dominance."
By the time Parliament had adjourned, Campbell had dealt with many important issues to women in Canada. The strengthening of Gun Control laws, the protection of a woman's right to choose, and also the protection of rape victim's past sexual history from being used as evidence against them in trial proceedings (rape shield). By this time, Campbell's profile had risen considerably. Due to the controversy of the justice portfolio, her name and her image had transformed into that of a national figure. Moreover, within the party itself, her clout had grown. Oddly enough, although she had been able to make important changes in the Justice system, and bring about positive change, one single incident propelled her name and image into nationwide homes, more than anything else.
What gave her true national prominence was not something she said or did, but instead a picture by freelance portrait photographer Barbara Woodley in which Campbell is holding a black lawyer's robe on a hanger in front of her. The picture had been taken two years earlier, but attracted little notice until it was splashed across the front page of the Ottawa Citizen, whereupon it became the center of a nation controversy. Whether or not Campbell was naked behind the robe was in question. The natural inference for anyone seeing Campbell's bare shoulders in the photograph is that Campbell is standing naked behind the robe, and the news value of the picture is precisely in that suggestion. Although the opposition critics professed the picture to be scandalous, the picture "did wonders for Campbell's public recognition." Even though Campbell had accomplished more than most do in their entire career as a politician, this single photo had an everlasting effect on her career.
By 1992, it was apparent that the Conservatives were heading for a detrimental coming federal election. By this time, Brian Mulroney had already decided he would be retiring, and that a leadership race would be necessary in order to name the next leader of the Progressive Conservatives, but also the next Prime Minister. The conditions that would be faced by whoever replaced him would ultimately be insurmountable. The government of Brian Mulroney faced an extremely difficult situation in its second term. The election of 1988 had been as hard-fought as any in Canadian history and the Conservatives won in large part by convincing Canadians that the free trade deal would ensure their economic security. But when the deal was followed not by prosperity, but by widespread plant closures and massive job losses, a significant portion of the electorate felt betrayed. Even though Mulroney had blamed the international recession, it did not improve the public's mood.
Mulroney professed to be unbothered as his standing in the polls dropped from one record low to another, but his "sagging face and puffy eyes told another story." Within the party, behind the public display of solidarity, the troops were getting restless. Within the party, it was speculated that something had to change, that being the leadership of the party. This began discussions of who might replace Mulroney, when he was to declare his retirement. In many respects, it was widely speculated that the Conservatives would need a drastic change, in order to possibly salvage their support base throughout Canada. The choice of Campbell possibly replacing Mulroney was a matter of interest to some members of the Conservatives, who believed that the next Prime Minister should not "come from Quebec or from Central Canada, someone who came from somewhere else and ideally British Columbia."
Brian Mulroney would finally announce his retirement, and a leadership race began. Although initially there were five candidates, it ultimately shrunk to be a battle between Campbell and Jean Charest. Charest only joined the race, after being influenced by Mulroney, who feared that a contest with only one strong candidate would make for a boring leadership race that would hurt the party in two ways: the Conservatives would lose the advantage of three months of media attention and voters would not be convinced that the Tories were engaged in a major renewal.
Mulroney had Charest come to his residence in order to convince him to reconsider his abandonment of his leadership bid. There were many factors that lead him to want to withdraw. First, it appeared that Campbell had an insurmountable lead, and Charest did not want to be humiliated at the coming convention. Also, the matter of finances was a central concern, considering he was not a wealthy man and also father of three, he was reluctant to end up deep in debt. When Mulroney summoned Charest, he recognized that finances and humiliation were of concern, and provided two solutions. First, the finances necessary to have the campaign would be generated by Mulroney supporters, and also that the possible humiliation was a risk worth having for "the good of the party." As it relates to experience, unlike Charest, Campbell did not have a long history in the Tory party. Charest had dedicated years of work for the Conservative party, which put him in good stead with delegates if Campbell's "winnability" started to tarnish.
It did not take long for this to begin, due to Campbell's inexperience; it was only a matter of time before the Charest camp began their attacks. When Campbell finally unveiled her range of policies, they were considered vague. For example, she pledged to wipe out the deficit in five years but supplied no details about she would accomplish it. She suggested a major review of the management and delivery of health care and hinted that wealthy Canadians would have their old age pensions cut, but provided no specifics. While she provided vague policy explanations, Charest dominated the scheduled debates, and when confronted with the same questions faced by Campbell, he answered questions rather than not taking a stand. This was seen when Campbell was asked about Bill 178, the Quebec law that bans English from commercial signs. Campbell refused to take a stand, while Charest stood by his federalist principles and said repeatedly that Quebec should be more tolerant of its English-speaking minority. Charest showed himself to be a "model of statesmanship, alive to principle, aware of political reality." Campbell was far less experienced in dealing with the media, and also with addressing issues. Because of her rapid uprising in the party, it made it very difficult for her to learn the necessary lessons in such a short period of time.
When it became apparent that Charest was making gains, the Campbell camp resorted to the use of 'mud-slinging' by way of the media. During a trip to Quebec, Campbell boasted that she was smarter and more accomplished than Charest. She said, "One has to admit that I did more in my four years than Jean Charest did in his eight." Statements to the media had a large impact on Campbell's popularity, and caused for an avalanche of opposition attacks upon her. By this point, media scrutiny was rising and with poor performances at the public debates, her popularity was dropping quickly. Her inexperience led to her making verbal gaffes that also had a negative effect.
She uttered her first major controversial statement at the end of the fourth debate, when she lashed out at Canadians who did not support Tory economic policies. "The enemies of Canadians ... are those people who are telling Canadians that debt and deficits are not a problem." This would prove to be a signal for Canadians, who still remembered a similar comment by Brian Mulroney years earlier when he said that Quebec nationalists were "enemies of Canada." This showed Canadians that Campbell was not different or separate from her predecessor Mulroney, and only motivated the media to conjure up images of Campbell as an elitist. The media was further detrimental to the Campbell campaign, even after the series of damaging statements. Campbell further isolated her support and damaged her popularity by discrediting former Prime Minister Joe Clark. She commented that he only became Prime Minister, because he was "least hated." This would spark his participation in the media, and comments that would imply she was unstable and not credible. These comments were furthered by Jean Charest who for nearly two months contrasted his status as a family man with that of Campbell's childless, twice-divorced woman.
The contest was no longer about merit, or ability, it became a typical example of dirty politics and 'mud-slinging.' Ultimately, both candidates showed themselves willing to do whatever necessary to win. Although Charest had done a remarkable job in gathering supported, he ultimately lost in the second ballot of the leadership convention, by a margin of four per cent, Campbell who once had a large majority of support, won the leadership of the Conservative party with support percentage of 52 per cent. By the time Kim Campbell was sworn in as Prime Minister of Canada, the Conservative Party of Canada was no longer a single entity. The leadership race had torn it apart, making a public front of solidarity impossible.
The mistakes made during the campaign only worsened Campbell's ability to convince Canadians that she was in fact a different type of politician. She spent a good period of her campaign attempting to separate herself from her predecessor, in hopes of attracting Canadians to a new era of politics. Ultimately, Kim Campbell was unable to overcome the insurmountable odds that were faced. Canadians had not forgotten about the free trade agreement, nor did they forget about the increase of taxes (GST) and cutting of social programs. While she was able to narrowly win the leadership of the Conservative party, and become Prime Minister, there was very little possibility of undoing the resentment that was accumulated after eight years of power. What can be remembered about Kim Campbell are the changes she made while given the opportunity. It is said, that she has placed a dent in the glass ceiling that women face in politics. As a cabinet minister, and more specifically Minister of Justice, she brought about changes that directly affected women, these being laws regarding abortion, the protection of rape shield in criminal proceedings, and also tighter gun controls that would help prevent tragedies seen in Quebec in 1989. While many, including feminist groups argue that more could have been done, during her time in office, others like to believe that if it had not been for her being a woman, nothing would have been done. Credit must be given to Kim Campbell for taking chances and showing enormous ambition, in order to better herself, but also women in general throughout Canada.
Works Consulted
Bueckert, Dennis., Kim Campbell: Above the Shoulders Voyageur Publishing: Quebec, 1993.
Campbell, Kim., Time and Change Doubleday Canada Limited: Toronto, 1996.
Davey, Frank., Reading "Kim" Right Talton Books: Vancouver, 1993.
Dobbin, Murray., The Politics of Kim Campbell: From School Trustee to Prime Minister James
Lorimer & Company Publishers: Toronto, 1993
Fife, Robert., Kim Campbell: The Making of a Politician Harper Collins Publishers: Toronto,
1993.
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