Student Essay on The Modern Presidency:an Evolution

The Modern Presidency:an Evolution

Summary:   The growth of the modern presidency actually began with the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. He was the first president who saw that the office of the presidency was a "bully pulpit" by which when he did not get his way with Congress he could take his case to the people. This was one of the first times that a president saw that his role could be active and that he was able to take charge of the power at his disposal.

The Modern Presidency:

An Evolution

The presidency of the United Sates of America has been an evolving office since the term of our first president, George Washington. This evolution has occurred because of the changing times and the evolution of society itself, but also because of the actions of the men who have become president. Starting in the 20th century, most have referred to the presidency as the modern presidency due to changes in both a president's power and the way that the office itself is viewed. As the office of the president has evolved so has who can become president evolved. Yet, even today there are certain individuals who because of their gender or race have yet to hold the office of the presidency. The men that have been president in our modern era have all had faults and greatness, some having more of one than of the other. The modern presidency is an office that many aspire to, but that few hold. The evolution of the office of the presidency has been one from that of a traditional role to that of a modern role that is forever evolving.

The growth of the modern presidency actually began with the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. He was the first president who saw that the office of the presidency was a "bully pulpit" by which when he did not get his way with Congress he could take his case to the people (Gelderman, 1997). This was one of the first times that a president saw that his role could be active and that he was able to take charge of the power at his disposal.

The modern presidency reached its initial fulfillment during the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt. Under the stimulus of the New Deal, World War II, and the entrepreneurial leadership of Franklin Roosevelt, there was a huge expansion of not only the president but of the federal government itself (Gelderman, 1997). This growth was further enhanced by the emergence of the United States as a world and nuclear power. These growths that helped make Franklin Roosevelt our first modern president were further solidified by Harry Truman and have been carried out by all presidents sense, sometimes with great effectiveness and at other times with little effectiveness.

The modern presidency has in a sense become a double-edged sword in that presidents have become beneficiaries of anything positive that can be attributed to government, but also can be blamed for anything bad occurring in society. Quite simply, the modern president has become the center of our political system (The Modern Presidency, 2004). The men who have dealt with this double-edged sword known as the modern presidency have often walked a very fine line between effectiveness and ineffectiveness, but all have attempted to use their power in one way or another.

All presidents have fit into what is known as the six models of the presidency. These six models show the different elements that a president uses in office. Most presidents especially our modern presidents have drawn aspects from several of these models to form their presidencies. The first model is the Federalist Model. The main elements of this model are broad, popular appeal of the president regardless of public policy positions, strong assertions of executive authority in foreign affairs, general disregard of political parties, a preoccupation with official pomp and protocol, and a conservative economic and social orientation (Riccards, 1995). This model was used by Ronald Reagan to achieve the best ends of the power of the presidency. It can also, be seen in some form in the presidencies of Dwight Eisenhower and George Bush.

The second presidential model is the Jeffersonian Model. This main elements of this model are a strong party government, subtle fusion of the executive with the legislative branch, coherent leadership, democratic mores, and a partially hidden executive (Riccards, 1995). This model is best manifested by Democratic presidents and was last used by Woodrow Wilson. The failure of this model being used by any of the modern presidents is in a large part due to the fact the presidency is no longer hidden in the modern era due to the media.

The third presidential model is the Jacksonian Model. This main elements of this model are a populist view of the presidency in direct communication with the people, assertion of the executive's dominance over both party and Congress, and a foreign policy of expansion (Riccards, 1995). This model has been used by almost all modern presidents in both the use of the media to reach the public and in their control of legislation and policy making.

The fourth presidential model is the Whig Model. This main elements of this model are a broad nationalism with an agenda of patriotism, a public respect for Congress, and a general view of the executive as a chief magistrate who would be zealous against encroachment of his power, but would not engage in great demonstrations of executive leadership (Riccards, 1995). This model has been found in all modern presidencies in the agenda of patriotism that seems to manifest itself in times of war or national crisis.

The fifth presidential model is the Lincoln Model. The main elements of this model are executive use of discretionary powers and operation of the presidency at times outside of the law and outside of normal constitutional practice (Riccards, 1995). This model's use of the presidency as an office of war power has manifested itself in all modern presidencies that have had to deal with war or international conflict.

The final model is the Rooseveltian Model. The main elements of this model are strong dominance over the legislative agenda, direct personal appeals to the public for support, an expanded social welfare state, and an assertive internationalist foreign policy (Riccards, 1995). These elements can be found in every modern presidency. Yet, it should be remembered that there are some elements of all these models in most presidencies and that many presidents are less successful than others no matter which model their presidency is largely based on.

The modern presidency which fully emerged during the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt was capable of emerging for the main reason of the Budget and Accounting Act of 1921 being in place. This act required the president to submit a budget for the whole government every year and created the Bureau of The Budget to aid him (Maltese, 2000). This act for the first time in the history of the presidency made the president a policy initiator and manager and enabled him to assert his own judgements, choices, and priorities in molding legislation(Maltese). This acts existence gave Franklin Roosevelt the policy power he needed to implement his agenda and allowed for the creation of the executive bureaucracy that enabled the modern president's power to be initiated to its fullest extent.

The main characteristics that have come to explain and define the modern presidency are legislative action, unilateral action, executive bureaucracy, increased symbolic leadership, and the use of the media (The Modern Presidency, 2004). These five characteristics are what makes the modern presidency a new and different presidency from that of the traditional presidency.

The first characteristic legislative action and the second characteristic unilateral action are very similar to each other. Both of these characteristics have evolved the role of the president in the policy making of our nation. The president has become a sort of "third House of Congress" (Rossiter, 1960). The modern president no longer just recommends measures in general terms and then sits quietly before either stamping the results "ok" or "reject" (Rossiter). Rather, the modern president makes detailed recommendations in the form of messages and proposed bills and uses every means within his power to persuade Congress to give him what he wants (Rossiter). This change in the president's involvement in the design of policy has forever changed what a president does. No one can ever again assume that a president is just a figurehead. He is the man helping to set the policy of this nation.

This role in policy making was carried out ambitiously by Ronald Reagan. He concentrated policy making in the White House Office and the Executive Office of the President and planted loyalists in the departments and agencies of all other areas who were able to carry forth the president's policies (Milkis & Nelson, 1990). The Reagan presidency understood the importance of the president being able to make policy and maximized the third characteristic of the modern presidency, the bureaucracy.

As the modern presidency has evolved so has the federal bureaucracy that helps implement presidential initiatives. The bureaucracy has become inseparable from the modern presidency, and is in fact essential to its effective operation. The federal bureaucracy is in a sense the president's eyes, ears, arms, mouth, and brain (Rossiter, 1960). This huge bureaucracy, now numbering in the thousands, has a sole purpose to aid the president and without it the modern president would have a much harder time in influencing policy making and doing the other jobs of the modern presidency.

The fourth characteristic of the modern presidency is increased symbolic leadership. The president has become the center of American government. This characteristic has manifested itself through the role of the president as the Protector of Peace (Rossiter, 1960). The public looks at the president as a one man riot squad ready to rush anywhere in the country or the world to restore peace and order (Rossiter). If he succeeds, he is beloved and re-electable, if he fails he is left packing his bags. The public view of the president is influenced by the fifth characteristic of the modern presidency, the use of the media.

The use of the media as a way to establish direct linkages between the president and the public emerged as a feature of the modern presidency during Franklin Roosevelt's administration (Nice, 1994). As a result all Americans gained the opportunity to hear and to eventually see the president in their own homes and public preferences came to be communicated to the president directly rather than being conveyed through party leaders and interest groups (Nice). This personal connection that the media created between the president and the public forever changed the presidency.

The media has not been just a source of power and a tool to be used by the modern president. The media has also, undermined the modern president's ability to manipulate the public. The modern media has undercut the gatekeeping function of the old media by allowing virtually any presidential information to become news (Maltese, 2000). The growth of the media has increased the pace at which news is reported, contributed to the saturation coverage of highly visible stories, and diminished the ability of a president to dominate the airwaves (Maltese). Thus, the modern media has helped the modern president in accessing the public, but at the same time has dropped the protective curtain that once surrounded the presidency. The president is now a nightly news item and the subject of national gossip. One only has to look at the media coverage of John Kennedy's and Bill Clinton's extramarital affairs to see this changing face of media coverage of presidents. If today's media had existed in Kennedy's presidency, the nation would have seen Marilyn Monroe crying to that era's Barbara Walters about her affair with the president. Instead, in Kennedy's era the media protected the president's secrets and he was left unexposed during his lifetime.

The modern presidency has been an evolving office that has used the above-mentioned characteristics to grow and in some cases to have new problems to deal with that the traditional presidents never had nor imagined even existed. All modern presidents have used the elements of the five models of the presidency to shape their political styles. As the office of the presidency has evolved so has the face of who can be president evolved.

This evolution of who can be president has changed some over the era of the modern presidency, but it is an evolution that is still occurring and by no means complete. It is realistic to believe that one day the United States will have either a female or a racial minority president. This is believed because the presidency is no longer dominated by just Protestant candidates. The nation has elected a Roman Catholic president and on two other occasions have nominated a Catholic as the presidential nominee. The nation has also nominated a Jewish presidential candidate (Cunliffe, 1972). At one time a vast majority of the population feared presidents of religious backgrounds other than Protestant. None of these fears occurred though when John Kennedy took office. In fact Kennedy was accused by some Catholic leaders of being prejudiced against the Catholic faith (Cunliffe). This acceptance of Catholic and Jewish presidential nominees allows one to see that who can be president has evolved.

The question is though has it evolved enough to elect a woman or a racial minority as president? The author of this paper believes that this will probably happen one day, but that day will be in the distant future. The main reason that the United States will not have a female or racial minority as president in the near future is the lack of female or racial minorities being in positions that can be used as stepping stones to the presidency. To be able to be president women and racial minorities must first win and hold the offices of senator, congressman, and governor in larger proportions than they do now (Feldmann, 1999). Without a growth in the number of women or racial minorities holding these type of political offices there can be no hope of them becoming president.

The emergence of a woman or a racial minority as president at anytime in either the near or distant future will most likely be accomplished by ascending to the presidential office through the vice-presidency. This back door entry might be a more plausible route than actually successfully running for the presidency itself. This theory is justified by the expectation of the man in the White House being drawn from the long held white, male Protestant majority (Cunliffe, 1972). But, as this majority changes and shifts and even eventually becomes a minority it would seem acceptable that as long as the number one spot was given to the white male that it would be fair to give the number two spot to either a woman or a racial minority and this would give the woman or the racial minority a chance to replace the white, male president under the small probability that he would die in office (Cunliffe, 1972). This route appears to be the most plausible route for either a woman or a racial minority being able to assume the presidency in the near future.

Because of sexism and racism it will be very hard for either a woman or a racial minority to be able to gain the money and the national support that they would need in the age that this nation currently is in for them to be elected president (Feldmann, 1999). One day the American public will see a woman or a racial minority as president, but that day is further in the future than it is nearer to the present day. As mentioned earlier the author of this paper believes that it will be by ascending from the vice-presidency to the presidency that this nation will first see a female or a racial minority as president. Due to the sexism and racism that have historically existed and that still exists in the United States it will be easier when the time comes to elect a woman or racial minority to second place as vice-president than to first place as president. This secondary position is in line with the historical line of keeping women and minorities in second class positions. The benefit for a female or a racial minority vice-president would be that they are only a heart beat away from the presidency and in the blink of an eye they can ascend to the number one position of president.

Through the evolution of the modern presidency the men who have held this office have often been able to use the characteristics of the modern presidency to become great presidents, but others have failed and are viewed as bad presidents. Since 1967 the president whom best fills the position of worst president is Jimmy Carter and the president whom best fills the position of greatest president is Ronald Reagan.

Jimmy Carter can be viewed as one of our worst presidents since 1967 because of several factors. The first factor is that he failed at most of his reform initiative because they had little substance and were mainly political window dressing (Mollenhoff, 1980). Jimmy Carter promised to select the best people to hold offices, but permitted personal croyism and pressure group politics to dictate his appointments (Mollenhoff). Jimmy Carter's largest reform failure was his war on the energy problem. Jimmy Carter allowed his White House to tamper with the appointments of top personal for the new Energy Department, which delayed and hindered the operations of this much needed department (Mollenhoff). Thus, Jimmy Carter failed to bring respect to an already damaged office that was trying to recover from the crimes of Watergate.

Jimmy Carter's main failure that makes him one of the worst presidents was that at the time he was elected president one of his best attributes and what was used to help elect him president was that he was an outsider to Washington politics. Because Jimmy Carter was an outsider he failed in playing the presidential game and disgruntled congressional leaders refused to enact Jimmy Carter's presidential agenda (Brinkley & Dyer, 2000). At one point Senator Tip O'Neill lectured Jimmy Carter about the inner working of the Washington power game. But, Jimmy Carter, who had campaigned as an outsider, failed to adjust to life on the inside. "Carter didn't seem to understand," O"Neill said (Brinley & Dyer). This lack of understanding doomed Jimmy Carter's presidency and caused him to be an ineffective president.

Jimmy Carter further failed at the presidency because as Senator Barry Goldwater noted, "Carter has the bad habit of taking both sides of a question the same day" (Lasky, 1979). This failure of Jimmy Carter to be able to as president to honor one group and to be able to reject the pleas of another made him a hindrance to the operation of the presidency (Sidey, 2004). Jimmy Carter avoided hurting people and as president one must have the capability to hurt because without hurting one side or the other a president loses his ability to wield his power.

Because Jimmy Carter failed at implementing reform due in part to his inability as an outsider to play the insider game that a president needs to play and because of his inability to hurt people by making cohesive decisions Jimmy Carter can be considered one of our worst presidents. Jimmy Carter was not a bad president because of being a bad person, but because of not being able to play the presidential game and wasting the power of the modern presidency.

The man that can be considered the greatest president since 1967 was an individual who knew how to play the game and to take control of the power that is at the disposal of the president. This president is Ronald Reagan. Ronald Reagan can be considered one of our great presidents for several reasons. Ronald Reagan was the first president to appoint a woman to the United States Supreme Court, Sandra Day O'Conner. This appointment helped to advance the political aspirations of American women (Judson, 1997). Furthermore, Ronald Reagan reversed the economic policy of the decline years by bringing down marginal tax rates and restoring the incentives necessary for economic growth (Kudlow, 2004). Ronald Reagan's style of handling the economy became known as Reaganomics and was a new pro-growth policy mix of tax incentives and stable money (Kudlow). Ronald Reagan turned the economy around and at the same time accomplished one of the greatest feats of any president.

Ronald Reagan will forever be looked at for ending the Cold War that had plagued the American and world psychic since the end of World War II. When Ronald Reagan came to the presidency, the leaders of the Soviet Union figured it would be business as usual (Sidey, 2004). They were wrong. The Soviet Union realized that Ronald Reagan was different then his predecessors during the summer of his first year in office because of his dealing with the nation's striking air-traffic controllers. The president was expected to order the usual study commission in order to delay any hard decision on his part (Sidey). Instead, Ronald Reagan calmly fired the air-traffic controllers and that night the secret cable traffic to the Soviet Union broke records (Sidey). Different Ronald Reagan was. Through negotiation and talk and the use of his personality Ronald Reagan was able to end the Cold War without causing a nuclear holocaust. As former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said, "He won the Cold War without firing a shot" (Meese, 1994). There were no shots and no nuclear holocausts just a peaceful ending to the Cold War at his skilled and effective hands.

Ronald Reagan though was a great president not just because of his great economic and foreign policy. Ronald Reagan was a great president because of being a great political wizard. Ronald Reagan had the ability to create a mood that dispelled the darkness. At a time when Americans desperately wanted to believe again Ronald Reagan reassured the nation and made the citizens feel good (Johnson, 2004). Thus, Ronald Reagan's enduring legacy will be more than just Reaganomics and the ending of the Cold War. It will be that Ronald Reagan had the power of personality to use the power of the modern presidency to achieve his goals and to make America feel good about itself.

In conclusion, one sees that the modern presidency is an evolving office that has evolved into one of great potential. Yet, it is the man who holds this office that ultimately decides if to be a great president or not. The modern president more than his forerunners must have the personality to lead and to play the games of presidential politics. Without these talents even a president who wants to succeed will be doomed to failure. Even as the presidency has evolved into the modern presidency, it has failed to reach its full potential by excluding both women and racial minorities from its seat of power. This exclusion will be slow to change, but at some point with the changing face of our nation there will be a female or racial minority president.

The modern president has power, but must still deal with Congress, the public and the federal bureaucracy to accomplish his goals. For as Lyndon Johnson said, "The only power I have is nuclear and I can't use that " (Shogan, 1991). Thus, one sees that no matter how much power is accorded to the modern president there are still limitations to how and when the president can use his powers. The only true power the president can use is his nuclear arsenal power and by doing so the president would destroy the world and leave himself with no one to answer to. Great modern presidents have learned that to succeed they must use the power of their personality. It is this power and this power alone that allows a president to accomplish his goals and any failure on his part to use this power efficiently will send the president packing by the American public and the Congress.

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