if it is not to hold me responsible for them in some way.  If he says to me here that he does not hold the rule to be good, one way or the other, I do not comprehend how he could answer me more fully if he answered me at greater length.  I will therefore put in as my answer to the resolutions that he has hunted up against me, what I, as a lawyer, would call a good plea to a bad declaration.  I understand that it is an axiom of law that a poor plea may be a good plea to a bad declaration.  I think that the opinions the Judge brings from those who support me, yet differ from me, is a bad declaration against me; but if I can bring the same things against him, I am putting in a good plea to that kind of declaration, and now I propose to try it.

At Freeport, Judge Douglas occupied a large part of his time in producing resolutions and documents of various sorts, as I understood, to make me somehow responsible for them; and I propose now doing a little of the same sort of thing for him.  In 1850 a very clever gentleman by the name of Thompson Campbell, a personal friend of Judge Douglas and myself, a political friend of Judge Douglas and opponent of mine, was a candidate for Congress in the Galena District.  He was interrogated as to his views on this same slavery question.  I have here before me the interrogatories, and Campbell’s answers to them—­I will read them: 

INTERROGATORIES: 

“1st.  Will you, if elected, vote for and cordially support a bill prohibiting slavery in the Territories of the United States?

“2d.  Will you vote for and support a bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia?

“3d.  Will you oppose the admission of any Slave States which may be formed out of Texas or the Territories?

“4th.  Will you vote for and advocate the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law passed at the recent session of Congress?

“5th.  Will you advocate and vote for the election of a Speaker of the House of Representatives who shall be willing to organize the committees of that House so as to give the Free States their just influence in the business of legislation?

“6th.  What are your views, not only as to the constitutional right of Congress to prohibit the slave-trade between the States, but also as to the expediency of exercising that right immediately?”

CAMPBELL’S REPLY.

“To the first and second interrogatories, I answer unequivocally in the affirmative.

“To the third interrogatory I reply, that I am opposed to the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, that may be formed out of Texas or any other Territory.

“To the fourth and fifth interrogatories I unhesitatingly answer in the affirmative.

“To the sixth interrogatory I reply, that so long as the Slave States continue to treat slaves as articles of commerce, the Constitution confers power on Congress to pass laws regulating that peculiar commerce, and that the protection of Human Rights imperatively demands the interposition of every constitutional means to prevent this most inhuman and iniquitous traffic.