Our new Constitution is much approved of by many gentlemen here. I understand it is soon to be in force. I do most earnestly pray that Heaven may direct the people to the choice of a wise man for their Governor, & incline him to accept of the trust.
The post is just going, which obliges me to conclude.
I am with very great respect,
Your assured friend & Very hble Servt.
TO JOHN LOWELL.
[Historical Magazine, 1st ser., vol. i., p. 260; a portion of the text is in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 106, 107; a draft, dated September 17, 1780, is in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Philadelphia, Sept. 15, 1780.
On Tuesday last, Congress took up the disputes relating to the New Hampshire grants, agreeably to an order, which passed the 9th of June, and for want of nine states, exclusive of the three interested ones, the matter was put off till yesterday. The delegates of New Hampshire and New York, were prepared with instructions from their respective states. A letter from Mr. Chittenden and others styling themselves “The Executive Council of Vermont,” was sent in by their agents now in this city, claiming the rights of sovereignty of an independent state, and refusing to submit the question of their independence to Congress, as being incompetent to judge and determine thereon. As there was no question proposed, a conversation, rather than a debate, ensued, which ended with a call for adjournment at the usual hour. This day, a letter was sent in to the president from agents in Vermont, praying that in case any question should be agitated concerning the rights and independence of their state, they might be admitted to be present and hear the debates. Another conversation was begun, which was very soon interrupted by a call of the attention of the house to the present state and circumstances of the army. I am of opinion that Congress will not easily agree in the question proper to be first put, however obvious it may seem to be. This is among a thousand other affairs with which it is the fate of Congress to be plagued to the exclusion of considerations of infinitely greater consequence, and which require immediate attention. As an individual, I wish most heartily that it could subside, as things of much greater moment generally do, till “a more convenient season.” But New York presses hard for a decision, and I submit to