“Back to the house.  I have several people coming there to see me.  But I’ll come back here later, if I may.”

“Yes, yes,” replied Butler.  “To be sure I’ll be here by midnight, anyhow.  Well, good night.  I’ll see you later, then, I suppose.  I’ll tell you what I find out.”

He went back in his room for something, and Cowperwood descended the stair alone.  From the hangings of the reception-room entryway Aileen signaled him to draw near.

“I hope it’s nothing serious, honey?” she sympathized, looking into his solemn eyes.

It was not time for love, and he felt it.

“No,” he said, almost coldly, “I think not.”

“Frank, don’t let this thing make you forget me for long, please.  You won’t, will you?  I love you so.”

“No, no, I won’t!” he replied earnestly, quickly and yet absently.

“I can’t!  Don’t you know I won’t?” He had started to kiss her, but a noise disturbed him.  “Sh!”

He walked to the door, and she followed him with eager, sympathetic eyes.

What if anything should happen to her Frank?  What if anything could?  What would she do?  That was what was troubling her.  What would, what could she do to help him?  He looked so pale—­strained.

Chapter XXIV

The condition of the Republican party at this time in Philadelphia, its relationship to George W. Stener, Edward Malia Butler, Henry A. Mollenhauer, Senator Mark Simpson, and others, will have to be briefly indicated here, in order to foreshadow Cowperwood’s actual situation.  Butler, as we have seen, was normally interested in and friendly to Cowperwood.  Stener was Cowperwood’s tool.  Mollenhauer and Senator Simpson were strong rivals of Butler for the control of city affairs.  Simpson represented the Republican control of the State legislature, which could dictate to the city if necessary, making new election laws, revising the city charter, starting political investigations, and the like.  He had many influential newspapers, corporations, banks, at his beck and call.  Mollenhauer represented the Germans, some Americans, and some large stable corporations—­a very solid and respectable man.  All three were strong, able, and dangerous politically.  The two latter counted on Butler’s influence, particularly with the Irish, and a certain number of ward leaders and Catholic politicians and laymen, who were as loyal to him as though he were a part of the church itself.  Butler’s return to these followers was protection, influence, aid, and good-will generally.  The city’s return to him, via Mollenhauer and Simpson, was in the shape of contracts—­fat ones—­street-paving, bridges, viaducts, sewers.  And in order for him to get these contracts the affairs of the Republican party, of which he was a beneficiary as well as a leader, must be kept reasonably straight.  At the same time it was no more a part of his need to keep the affairs of the party straight than it was of either Mollenhauer’s or Simpson’s, and Stener was not his appointee.  The latter was more directly responsible to Mollenhauer than to any one else.