of human beings.  In order to succeed in war, a concentration of power is necessary, and from concentration of power the very same evils flow as from the capitalist concentration of wealth.  For these reasons chiefly, I cannot support any movement which aims at world revolution.  The damage to civilization done by revolution in one country may be repaired by the influence of another in which there has been no revolution; but in a universal cataclysm civilization might go under for a thousand years.  But while I cannot advocate world revolution, I cannot escape from the conclusion that the Governments of the leading capitalist countries are doing everything to bring it about.  Abuse of our power against Germany, Russia, and India (to say nothing of any other countries) may well bring about our downfall, and produce those very evils which the enemies of Bolshevism most dread.

The true Communist is thoroughly international.  Lenin, for example, so far as I could judge, is not more concerned with the interests of Russia than with those of other countries; Russia is, at the moment, the protagonist of the social revolution, and, as such, valuable to the world, but Lenin would sacrifice Russia rather than the revolution, if the alternative should ever arise.  This is the orthodox attitude, and is no doubt genuine in many of the leaders.  But nationalism is natural and instinctive; through pride in the revolution, it grows again even in the breasts of Communists.  Through the Polish war, the Bolsheviks have acquired the support of national feeling, and their position in the country has been immensely strengthened.

The only time I saw Trotsky was at the Opera in Moscow.  The British Labour Delegation were occupying what had been the Tsar’s box.  After speaking with us in the ante-chamber, he stepped to the front of the box and stood with folded arms while the house cheered itself hoarse.  Then he spoke a few sentences, short and sharp, with military precision, winding up by calling for “three cheers for our brave fellows at the front,” to which the audience responded as a London audience would have responded in the autumn of 1914.  Trotsky and the Red Army undoubtedly now have behind them a great body of nationalist sentiment.  The reconquest of Asiatic Russia has even revived what is essentially an imperialist way of feeling, though this would be indignantly repudiated by many of those in whom I seemed to detect it.  Experience of power is inevitably altering Communist theories, and men who control a vast governmental machine can hardly have quite the same outlook on life as they had when they were hunted fugitives.  If the Bolsheviks remain in power, it is much to be feared that their Communism will fade, and that they will increasingly resemble any other Asiatic Government—­for example, our own Government in India.

FOOTNOTES: 

[1] See the article “On the role of the Communist Party in the Proletarian Revolution,” in Theses presented to the Second Congress of the Communist International, Petrograd-Moscow, 18 July, 1920—­a valuable work which I possess only in French.