world. His private conduct, too, was such as
to disgust moral people. There seems to have
come over the man a great change about the time of
the Louis Phillippe revolution. I well remember
that in the spring of 1848 I saw him parading one
of the streets of London, arm-in-arm with a son of
Sir Robert Peel, both sworn in as special constables
to put down the chartists should they attempt a riot.
It was, on that memorable first of April, quite fashionable
for members of the best families to be sworn in as
special constables to preserve order, and Louis Napoleon
who was living with his mistress and children in London,
had so far put away the democratic opinions which
he once held, that he was ready and eager to show
where his sympathies were in the Chartist agitation.
That Louis Napoleon was very shrewd in entering France,
and seating himself in the presidential chair, no
one will deny, but it is equally true that in violating
his oath and shooting down the people of Paris as
he did, that he might gain a throne, he also proved
himself to be a great villain. The mere fact
that he was successful will not atone for perjury
and murder with people of common morality. But
aside from these atrocities, his shameful censorship
of the press, and conduct toward some of the noblest
men of France, he has acted for the best interests
of the country. He has understood the wants of
the people, and his decrees and provisions have met
the wishes of the nation. France has not had
the material prosperity for many years that she has
at this time. But the press is dumb. Literature
is in a sickly condition. Many of the first men
of France are either in exile or are silent at home.
It is astonishing to see how few of the really eminent
men of France are the friends of Louis Napoleon.
Lamartine does not like him; Eugene Sue was his enemy;
the same is true in a modified sense of Alexander Dumas;
George Sand dislikes him; Arago while living did the
same; and Jules Janin the brilliant critic is no friend
of the administration. Victor Hugo, Ledru Rollin,
Louis Blanc, and a score of other brilliant men are
in exile, and of course hate the man who exiled them.
It is certainly one of the most singular facts of
modern history that Louis Napoleon has few friends,
yet is firmly seated upon his throne. His enemies
are so divided, and so hate anarchy, that they all
unite in keeping him where he is. But Paris laughs
in its sleeve at all the baptismal splendors over
the prince and the sober provisions for the regency
made by the emperor. No one that I could find
has the faintest expectation that the baby-boy will
rule France, or sit upon a throne. When the emperor
is shot or dies a violent death, then chaos will come,
or something better, but not Napoleon IV. I am
confident that this is the universal sentiment, at
least throughout Paris, if not over France. I
have asked many a Frenchman his opinion, and the same
reply has been given by republican and monarchist.
This is one secret of Napoleon’s strength.
It is thought that with his death great changes must
come, and very likely confusion and bloodshed.
No one believes in a Napoleon succession, and therefore
all bear his despotism with equanimity. Those
who hate him say his rule will not last forever, while
those who wish to advance their own political interests
through other royal families, bide their time.
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