rendered necessary by that.  We have seen, with real grief, the misunderstanding which has taken place between yourself and General Armstrong.  We are neither qualified nor disposed to form an opinion between you.  We regret the pain which must have been felt by persons, both of whom hold so high a place in our esteem, and we have not been without fear that the public interest might suffer by it.  It has seemed, however, that the state of Europe has been such as to admit little to be done, in matters so distant from them.

The present alarm has had the effect of suspending our foreign commerce.  No merchant ventures to send out a single vessel; and I think it probable this will continue very much the case till we get an answer from England.  Our crops are uncommonly plentiful.  That of small grain is now secured south of this, and the harvest is advancing here.

Accept my salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem and respect.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER LVII.—­TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, July 14, 1807

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Washington, July 14, 1807.

My Dear Friend,

I received last night your letters of February the 20th and April the 29th, and a vessel just sailing from Baltimore enables me hastily to acknowledge them; to assure you of the welcome with which I receive whatever comes from you, and the continuance of my affectionate esteem for yourself and family.  I learn with much concern, indeed, the state of Madame de la Fayette’s health.  I hope I have the pleasure yet to come of learning its entire re-establishment.  She is too young not to give great confidence to that hope.

Measuring happiness by the American scale, and sincerely wishing that of yourself and family, we had been anxious to see them established on this side of the great water.  But I am not certain that any equivalent can be found for the loss of that species of society, to which our habits have been formed from infancy.  Certainly had you been, as I wished, at the head of the government of Orleans, Burr would never have given me one moment’s uneasiness.  His conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious of which history will ever furnish an example.  He meant to separate the western States from us, to add Mexico to them, place himself at their head, establish what he would deem an energetic government, and thus provide an example and an instrument for the subversion of our freedom.  The man who could expect to effect this, with American materials, must be a fit subject for Bedlam.  The seriousness of the crime, however, demands more serious punishment.  Yet, although there is not a man in the United States who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of our laws in favor of the accused against the accuser, that I question if he is convicted.  Out of forty-eight jurors to be summoned, he is to select the twelve