business, there would yet be excluded from their deliberations, 1.  Infants, until arrived at years of discretion. 2.  Women, who, to prevent depravation of morals, and ambiguity of issue, could not mix promiscuously in the public meetings of men. 3, Slaves, from whom the unfortunate state of things with us takes away the rights of will and of property.  Those, then, who have no will, could be permitted to exercise none in the popular assembly; and of course could delegate none to an agent in a representative assembly.  The business, in the first case, would be done by qualified citizens only; and, in the second, by the representatives of qualified citizens only.  It is true, that in the general constitution, our State is allowed a larger representation on account of its slaves.  But every one knows, that that constitution was a matter of compromise; a capitulation between conflicting interests and opinions.  In truth, the condition of different descriptions of inhabitants in any country is a matter of municipal arrangement, of which no foreign country has a right to take notice.  All its inhabitants are men as to them.  Thus, in the New England States, none have the powers of citizens but those whom they call freemen; and none are freemen Until admitted by a vote of the freemen of the town.  Yet, in the General Government, these non-freemen are counted in their quantum of representation and of taxation.  So, slaves with us have no powers as citizens; yet, in representation in the General Government, they count in the proportion of three to five; and so also in taxation.  Whether this is equal, is not here the question.  It is a capitulation of discordant sentiments and circumstances, and is obligatory on that ground.  But this view shows there is no inconsistency in claiming representation for them from the other States, and refusing it within our own.

Accept the renewal of assurances of my respect.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER CXXXVIII.—­TO JOHN ADAMS, October 14, 1816

TO JOHN ADAMS,

Monticello, October 14, 1816.

Your letter, dear Sir, of May the 6th, had already well explained the uses of grief.  That of September the 3rd, with equal truth, adduces instances of its abuse; and when we put into the same scale these abuses, with the afflictions of soul which even the uses of grief cost us, we may consider its value in the economy of the human being, as equivocal at least.  Those afflictions cloud too great a portion of life, to find a counterpoise in any benefits derived from its uses.  For setting aside its paroxyms on the occasions of special bereavements, all the latter years of aged men are overshadowed with its gloom.  Whither, for instance, can you and I look without seeing the graves of those we have known?  And whom can we call up, of our early companions, who has not left us to regret his loss?  This, indeed, may be one