and preserving the original date, might, I think, remove all the offensiveness, and give more effect to the publication.  Indeed, I think that a soothing postscript, addressed to the interests, the prospects, and the sober reason of both nations, would make it acceptable to both.  The trifling, expense of reprinting it ought not to be considered a moment.  Mr. Gallatin could have it translated into French, and suffer it to get abroad in Europe without either avowal or disavowal.  But it would be useful to print some copies of an appendix, containing all the documents referred to, to be preserved in libraries, and to facilitate to the present and future writers of history, the acquisition of the materials which test the truths it contains.

I sincerely congratulate you on the peace, and more especially on the eclat with which the war was closed.  The affair of New Orleans was fraught with useful lessons to ourselves, our enemies, and our friends, and will powerfully influence our future relations with the nations of Europe.  It will show them we mean to take no part in their wars, and count no odds when engaged in our own.  I presume, that, having spared to the pride of England her formal acknowledgment of the atrocity of impressment in an article of the treaty, she will concur in a convention for relinquishing it.  Without this, she must understand that the present is but a truce, determinable on the first act of impressment of an American citizen, committed by any officer of hers.  Would it not be better that this convention should be a separate act, unconnected with any treaty of commerce, and made an indispensable preliminary to all other treaty?  If blended with a treaty of commerce, she will make it the price of injurious concessions.  Indeed, we are infinitely better without such treaties with any nation.  We cannot too distinctly detach ourselves from the European system, which is essentially belligerent, nor too sedulously cultivate an American system, essentially pacific.  But if we go into commercial treaties at all, they should be with all, at the same time, with whom we have important commercial relations.  France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Russia, all should proceed pari passu.  Our ministers marching in phalanx on the same line, and intercommunicating freely, each will be supported by the weight of the whole mass, and the facility with which the other nations will agree to equal terms of intercourse, will discountenance the selfish higglings of England, or justify our rejection of them.  Perhaps with all of them it would be best to have but the single article gentis amicissimae, leaving every thing else to the usages and courtesies of civilized nations.  But all these things will occur to yourself, with their counter considerations.