refusing to worship the image.  It was accordingly done in every instance, without asking what the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the pretended sedition law.  It was certainly possible that my motives for contributing to the relief of Callendar, and liberating sufferers under the sedition law might have been to protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they may also have been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of distress, meritorious or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect the constitution, violated by an unauthorized act of Congress.  Which of these were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general tenor of my life.  On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at large, to posterity, and still less to that Being who sees himself our motives, who will judge us from his own knowledge of them, and not on the testimony of Porcupine or Fenno.

You observe, there has been one other act of my administration personally unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me.  I declare on my honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act is alluded to.  I never did a single one with an unkind intention.  My sole object in this letter being to place before your attention, that the acts imputed to me are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might flow from good as well as bad motives, I shall make no other addition, than the assurances of my continued wishes for the health and happiness of yourself and Mr. Adams.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER XVI.—­TO JAMES MADISON, August 15, 1804

TO JAMES MADISON.

Monticello, August 15, 1804.

Dear Sir,

Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of the 14th, as I received it only by that day’s post.  I return you Monroe’s letter, which is of an awful complexion; and I do not wonder the communications it contains made some impression on him.  To a person placed in Europe, surrounded by the immense resources of the nations there, and the greater wickedness of their courts, even the limits which nature imposes on their enterprises are scarcely sensible.  It is impossible that France and England should combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust and deadly hatred of each other admit no co-operation.  It is impossible that England should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get footing on our continent, and that France should willingly see the United States re-annexed to the British dominions.  That the Bourbons should be replaced on their throne and agree to any terms of restitution, is possible:  but that they and England joined, could recover us to British dominion, is impossible.  If these things are not so, then human reason is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of nations.  Still, however, it is our unquestionable interest and duty to conduct ourselves