and plausible enough to impose even on the weakest mind; and especially, when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two only.  Whatever then be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to other views.  And those so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, and afterwards at the grand convention, by a particular set of men, present themselves as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree of impetuosity.  Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation, a separation of the Union, which has been so much the topic to the eastward of late, may be the thing aimed at.  I have written so far, two days before the departure of the post.  Should any thing more occur to-day or to-morrow, it shall be added.  Adieu affectionately.

Th:  Jefferson.

LETTER CCXXVIII.—­TO JAMES MADISON, March 29, 1798

TO JAMES MADISON.

Philadelphia, March 29, 1798.

Dear Sir,

I wrote you last on the 21st.  Yours of the 12th, therein acknowledged, is the last received.  The measure I suggested in mine, of adjourning for consultation with their constituents, was not brought forward; but on Tuesday three resolutions were moved, which you will see in the public papers.  They were offered in committee to prevent their being suppressed by the previous question, and in the committee on the state of the Union, to put it out of their power, by the rising of the committee and not sitting again, to get rid of them.  They were taken by surprise, not expecting to be called to vote on such a proposition as ’that it is inexpedient to resort to war against the French republic’.  After spending the first day in seeking on every side some hole to get out at, like an animal first put into a cage, they gave up their resource.  Yesterday they came forward boldly, and openly combated the proposition.  Mr. Harper and Mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter philippics against France, selecting such circumstances and aggravations as to give the worst picture they could present.  The latter, on this, as in the affair of Lyon and Griswold, went far beyond that moderation he has on other occasions recommended.  We know not how it will go.  Some think the resolution will be lost, some, that it will be carried; but neither way, by a majority of more than, one or two.  The decision of the Executive, of two thirds of the Senate, and half the House of Representatives, is too much for the other half of that House.  We therefore fear it will be borne down, and are under the most gloomy apprehensions.  In fact, the question of war and peace depends now on a toss of cross and pile.  If we could but gain this season, we should be saved.  The affairs of Europe would of themselves save us.  Besides this, there can be no doubt that a revolution of opinion in Massachusetts and Connecticut is working.  Two whig presses have been set up in each of those States.  There has been for some days a rumor,