The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 465 pages of information about The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915.

The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 465 pages of information about The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915.

France, too, might have kept the peace, the decision resting solely with her.  The security of Germany demanded that she should inquire what France would do in the impending war; the answer of France unmistakably betrayed her intention to join in the war.  As a matter of fact, it was not Germany but France who commenced the war.

England already before the war stood in close relations to France.  From the very beginning she has clearly shown that she by no means wanted to keep absolutely neutral.  From the very beginning she made endeavors to protect France against Germany.  Undoubtedly the German invasion in Belgium served England as a welcome pretext to openly declare her hostility.  In reality, before the German invasion, already the neutrality of Belgium had been given up in favor of the French.  It has been officially stated, e.g., that not only before but also after the outbreak of the war French officers have been at Liege in order to instruct the Belgian soldiers as to the fortification service.  England’s complaints of the violation of international law, however, are the most atrocious hypocrisy and the vilest Pharisaism.  At all times English politics have unscrupulously disregarded all forms of law as soon as their own interest was touched.  During the last few weeks the same method has been quite sufficiently manifested in the unlawful capture of the Turkish warships, and still more so in the instigation of the Japanese to undertake the detestable raid upon the German territory in China, which needs must end in strengthening the power of that Mongolian nation at the costs of Europeans and Americans.

How it is possible for a nation that in such a way has betrayed precious interests of Western culture as soon as it seems to benefit them, how is it possible for these accomplices of the Japanese robbery to put on the air of being the guardians of morality?

We Germans did not want this war, but as it has been forced upon us we shall carry it on bravely and vigorously.  In the face of all envy and hatred, all brutality and hypocrisy, Germany feels unshakably conscious of serving a righteous cause and of standing up for the preservation of her national self as well as for sacred goods of humanity; indeed, for the very progress of true culture.  It is from this conviction that she draws her unrelenting force and the absolute certainty that she will beat back the assault of all her enemies.  This conviction does not stand in need of any encouragement from abroad; our country absolutely relies upon itself and confides in the strength of its right.

Nevertheless, the idea of our American friends’ thoughts and sympathies being with us gives us a strong feeling of comfort in this gigantic struggle.  We both of us feel especially justified in pronouncing this as being the conviction of all German scientists, as so many scientific and personal relations connect us both with the universities of America.  These universities know what German culture means to the world, so we trust they will stand by Germany.

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The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.