Russian situation, which was so unique, pointed to the need for a genuine and sincere co-operation by the intelligent leaders of all the opposition elements until stability was attained, together with freedom from the abnormal difficulties due to the war.  In any event, the domination of the Provisional Government by a class so weak and so narrow in its outlook and aims was a disaster.  As soon as time for reflection had been afforded the masses discontent and distrust were inevitable.

II

From the first days there were ominous murmurings.  Yet it must be confessed that the Provisional Government manifested much greater enlightenment than might have been expected of it and hastened to enact a program—­quite remarkable for its liberality and vision; a program which, had it come from a government more truly representative in its personnel of revolutionary Russia, might, with one important addition, have served as the foundation of an enduring structure.  On March 18th the Provisional Government issued a statement of its program and an appeal to the citizens for support.  This document, which is said to have been the joint work of P.I.  Novgorodtzev, N.V.  Nekrasov, and P.N.  Miliukov, read as follows: 

CITIZENS:  The Executive Committee of the Duma, with the aid and support of the garrison of the capital and its inhabitants, has succeeded in triumphing over the obnoxious forces of the old regime so that we can proceed to a more stable organization of the executive power, with men whose past political activity assures them the country’s confidence.

The new Cabinet will base its policy upon the following principles:  First.—­An immediate and general amnesty for all political and religious offenses, including terrorist acts and military and agrarian offenses.

Second.—­Liberty of speech and of the press; freedom for alliances, unions, and strikes, with the extension of these liberties to military officials, within the limits admitted by military requirements.

    Third.—­Abolition of all social, religious, and national
    restrictions.

    Fourth.—­To proceed forthwith to the preparation and convocation
    of a Constituent Assembly, based on universal suffrage.  This
    Assembly will establish a stable universal regime.

    Fifth.—­The substitution of the police by a national militia,
    with chiefs to be elected and responsible to the municipalities.

    Sixth.—­Communal elections to be based on universal, direct,
    equal, and secret suffrage.

    Seventh.—­The troops which participated in the revolutionary
    movement will not be disarmed, but will remain in Petrograd.