New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 480 pages of information about New York Times Current History.

New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 480 pages of information about New York Times Current History.

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Certified by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, German Ex-Colonial
Secretary.

The following is presented as a complete defense of the German position in the present war and is based upon examination of the German and English “White Papers.”  It was prepared in Germany and forwarded to Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, who had it translated for the new York times of Nov. 1, 1914.

Dr. Dernburg gives this statement his full approval and accepts complete responsibility for it.

Two of the five great European powers that are at present engaged in war, Austria-Hungary and Russia, whose differences for years have been constantly increasing in sharpness, and after the tragedy in Serajevo became impossible to be bridged by diplomacy, conjured up the frightful struggle.

With these two, two other powers are so closely united by alliances that their participation in the war also was unavoidable; they are Germany and France.

There are two other great European powers whose relations to the two aforesaid groups before the war were very much alike in the essential points.  Just as Italy was politically tied by alliance to the central powers, so England was with the Franco-Russian Alliance.  Hence it was uncertain how these countries, each geographically removed from the main body of the Continent, would act in a war, and it seemed quite possible that both would decide to remain neutral.

As a matter of fact, the Italian Government came to the view that such a stand would be for the best interests of its country.

This decision might have made it considerably more easy for England to also maintain her neutrality, which, from political, economical, and ethical reasons, would have been advantageous and natural for the Island Empire.  To the surprise and indignation of all those Germans who for years had been working toward an adjustment of the conflicting interests of both countries—­among these ought to be mentioned, above all, the Kaiser and the Imperial Chancellor—­the Liberal British Ministry immediately declared war on Germany, and did not confine itself to a naval war, but, in keeping with agreements reached years ago between the English and the French General Staffs, as is now admitted, equipped an expeditionary army, thus considerably strengthening the French forces.

The question arises, “What reasons led British politics to this monstrous step?”

Much has been written during the last weeks from the German side, criticising most sharply and with great justification the motive of the London Cabinet.  In the following discussion we will confine ourselves to an impartial review of the documents published by the English Government itself in its own defense.

The essential part of this justification is contained in the “Correspondence Concerning the European Crisis,” placed before the British Parliament shortly after the start of the war, which is known as the British “White Paper.”  In amplification are to be considered the “White Book” placed by the German Government before the Reichstag and the “Orange Book” published by Russia.

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New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.