New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 441 pages of information about New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915.

New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 441 pages of information about New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915.

The other subsidiary argument for ignoring the nation is that Ministers are wiser than the nation, and therefore that Ministers must save the nation from itself by making it impotent and acting over its head.  This has always been the argument of autocrats, and even of tyrants.  It is a ridiculous argument, and it was never more ridiculous than when applied to the British Government and the British Nation today.  Throughout the war the Government has underestimated the qualities of the nation—­courage, discipline, fortitude, and wisdom.  It is still underestimating them.  For myself, I have no doubt that in the making of peace the sagacity of the nation as a whole would be greater than the sagacity of the Government.  But even if it were not, the right of the nation to govern itself in the gravest hour of its career remains unchallengeable.  All arguments in favor of depriving the nation of that right amount to the argument of Germany in favor of taking Belgium—­“We do it in your true interests, and in our own.”

If the Government does not on its own initiative declare that it will consult—­and effectively consult—­Parliament concerning the peace terms, then it is the duty of Parliament, and especially of the House of Commons, to make itself unpleasant and to produce that appearance of internal discord which (we are told by all individuals who dislike being disturbed) is so enheartening to Germany.  There have always been, and there still are, ample opportunities for raising questions of foreign policy in the House of Commons.  If foreign policy has seldom or never been adequately handled by the House of Commons, the reason simply is that the House has not been interested in it.  Not to the tyranny of Ministries, but to the supineness and the ignorance of the people’s representatives, is the present state of affairs due.  Hence the rank and file of Radicals should organize themselves.  They would unquestionably receive adequate support in the press and at public meetings.  And none but they can do anything worth doing.  And among the rank and file of Radicals the plain common-sense men should make themselves heard.  Foreign policy debates in the House are usually the playground of cranks of all varieties, and the plain common-sense man seems to shrink from being vocal in such company.  It is a pity.  The plain common-sense man should believe in himself a little more.  The result would perhaps startle his modesty.  And he should begin instantly on the resumption of Parliament.  He will of course be told that he is premature.  But no matter.  When he gets up and makes a row he will be told that he is premature, until Sir Edward Grey is in a position to announce in the icy cold and impressive tones of omniscience and omnipotence and perfect wisdom that the deed is irrevocably done and only the formal ratification of the people is required.  We have been through all that before, and we shall go through it again unless we start out immediately to be unpleasant.

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New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.